The Executive Department

Through the grace of God the American government has division of powers. Our inspired forefathers, appreciating the faults of the monarchy and of the incipient revolutionaries, trusting no man, were careful to divide the authority and separate the powers of government. Instead of chaos as predicted, the system of checks and balances has operated for two centuries, not with maximal efficiency but with stability. Crisis after crisis was resolved, even a civil war, but the system stood. The student rebellions of the sixties, striving to tear down everything in a system they didn't understand just to see what would happen, were well handled. The genius of the U.S. constitutional system held fast. Now, the last enemy, taxation, was bridled.

The executive department, once headed for imperial power and then abruptly shackled, watched with interest the new tax legislation. This legislation had not sprung from the party leadership; rather it had slipped in very unobtrusively but effectively. The executive, perhaps rather dubiously, had closely observed the progress of the Sex Tax movement. Although the chances of increasing revenues and hence increasing the wonderful works that might be done by government appeared to have disappeared as the public temper became known, the executive still saw hopes for the Sex Tax concept. True, the budget would not be balanced this year, but the new tax concept would take the heat off that promise, and that was enough.

In another year the balanced-budget promise might be forgotten. Political principle would be served by a fair tax on the married man. There would be increasing public opinion against those living in sin, and that was desirable. The executive was strongly for the Sex Tax.

Although no single cabinet session had been held to consider the implications of the Sex Tax, all cabinet members were aware that, in the fullness of time, the matter would become the subject of discussion. The cabinet members were ready.

When the Sex Tax matter did come up there was no lack of enthusiasm in the cabinet meeting for each secretary to discuss his departmental plans. True to bureaucratic principles, each secretary looked to the new course of events for his budget increases and new programs. The idea that the American people were not interested in their manifold expansion plans, that the American people were not interested in new ways to exploit revenues from a now taxation scheme did not register upon the politically oriented minds of the cabinet members. All had come loaded with wonderful schemes which would elevate the importance of their portfolio (to use the parliamentary expression).

The President-elect, realizing the magnitude of his task ahead, had appointed the best men the party would accept to the various cabinet positions. They were his equals in intelligence, and, as one might expect, the President did not differ in viewpoint from his cabinet. Fortunately, when the assembled chieftains of the bureaucracy spoke as one with their plans, there was always a hint of suspicion in the President's breast that they were wrong. According to the law of contrariwise opinion, which operates so well in the stock market, when everyone is agreed, the chances are that all are wrong. Applying this principle, the President placed a moratorium on new programs and insisted that any bureaucratic efforts to exploit the Sex Tax concept be within the current budget. This budget had overrun income badly for the nth time, and the country was desperately trying to adjust to this inevitable situation, with little success.