Our Pakistan

by Bradley J. Murg

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the greatest threat to American security has been perceived to emanate from the Muslim world. For various reasons, the United States has been unable to build strong relations with the largest and most powerful of the Islamic nations which, despite religious differences, share our conservative social values. The Bush administration has a chance to change this without reducing American support for the state of Israel. This commitment, along with our concomitantly negative feelings towards an internationally recognized Palestinian state, makes the Middle East a daunting prospect for any President. The logical question to pose is: Why start with the Arab-Israeli conflict? It is simplest, and empirically most productive, to start at the edges.

Among the nations bordering the Middle East, the U.S. maintains excellent relations with a number of Muslim countries. Egypt receives a consistently large portion of the annual foreign aid appropriation. Turkey, a close NATO ally, has provided bases for American ships and aircraft. Indonesia, the world's largest Islamic state, has always been considered one of our closest friends in Southeast Asia. The only problem is that almost none of these governments is willing to use its influence among other Muslim states to push for region-wide, improved relations with the United States.

In part, this is because these relations are perceived to be basically economic; social commonalties are not recognized or emphasized by the media. Meanwhile, during the eight years of the Clinton administration's make-it-up-as-you-go foreign policy, the U.S. managed to ignore a powerful nation of 150 million people, with nuclear capabilities, and a large diaspora in the United States: Pakistan. Still, why choose this nation to begin ameliorating U.S.-Muslim relations? By and large, very few Americans know much about the country -- even presidential candidate Bush had a tough time remembering the name of Pakistani leader Pervez Musharraf. Well, there are two reasons.

First, Pakistan is the link between the Muslim world and the People's Republic of China. A strong alliance between the Islamic nations (roughly one billion people) and China (another one billion plus) would not bode well for American economic, political, and security interests in Asia. However, Sino-Muslim relations do not extend beyond military exchanges and the periodic state visit. China's persecution of the predominantly Muslim Uigher community in western Xinjiang province; its state-supported atheism, forced abortions, and anti-family policies find little support among the religious people of Pakistan. Ameliorating U.S.-Pakistan relations would serve the dual purpose of providing an entry into the Muslim world and advancing the containment of Chinese hegemony in the region.

Second, Pakistan's foreign policy, unlike most of the Islamic world, is not directed at Israel, which serves as a litmus test for most Muslim nations, even such U.S. allies as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Pakistan is willing to look beyond a single-issue, and see America as a whole. Understanding that, the Bush administration should build relations based on our similarities in values. Pakistan, although presently in a state of transition, has attempted to establish a democratic government; elected a female head of state; and worked towards a genuine separation of powers in government. The streets of Islamabad, Karachi, and Lahore are not filled with radicals burning the American flag -- but with rather well-educated, English-speaking professionals. Women are not obliged to live in domestic servitude; rather they are doctors, legislators, and judges. There are substantial Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox communities, the members of which are free to practice their Christian faith. Rather than considered heretical, these people are respected as "people of the Book" holding a privileged place in the Islamic worldview. This special relationship, provided for and extensively commentated on in Islamic philosophy, is a built-in, theoretical base for developing U.S.-Pakistan relations.

Daily prayer, a ban on alcohol, and a strict code of personal morality are typical of this Islamic State. They are also typical of daily life in myriad towns and cities across the United States. For economic reasons, many Pakistanis have immigrated to the United States. The shared morality of our two countries makes the U.S. the logical choice. During the past four elections, the Pakistani-American community has been one of the most loyal Republican voting blocks -- less for economic reasons than for social ones. By engaging Pakistan, the Bush administration has the chance to show the Muslim world that America is more than a nation it shares economic ties with; America is a nation it shares moral ties with.


Bradley J. Murg is a visiting 2000-2001 Luce Fellow at the Asian Development Bank.
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