Our Pakistan
by Bradley J. Murg
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the greatest threat
to American security has been perceived to emanate from the Muslim world. For
various reasons, the United States has been unable to build strong relations
with the largest and most powerful of the Islamic nations which, despite
religious differences, share our conservative social values. The Bush
administration has a chance to change this without reducing American support for
the state of Israel. This commitment, along with our concomitantly negative
feelings towards an internationally recognized Palestinian state, makes the
Middle East a daunting prospect for any President. The logical question to pose
is: Why start with the Arab-Israeli conflict? It is simplest, and empirically
most productive, to start at the edges.
Among the nations bordering the Middle East, the U.S. maintains excellent
relations with a number of Muslim countries. Egypt receives a consistently large
portion of the annual foreign aid appropriation. Turkey, a close NATO ally, has
provided bases for American ships and aircraft. Indonesia, the world's largest
Islamic state, has always been considered one of our closest friends in
Southeast Asia. The only problem is that almost none of these governments is
willing to use its influence among other Muslim states to push for region-wide,
improved relations with the United States.
In part, this is because these relations are perceived to be basically economic;
social commonalties are not recognized or emphasized by the media. Meanwhile,
during the eight years of the Clinton administration's make-it-up-as-you-go
foreign policy, the U.S. managed to ignore a powerful nation of 150 million
people, with nuclear capabilities, and a large diaspora in the United States:
Pakistan. Still, why choose this nation to begin ameliorating U.S.-Muslim
relations? By and large, very few Americans know much about the country -- even
presidential candidate Bush had a tough time remembering the name of Pakistani
leader Pervez Musharraf. Well, there are two reasons.
First, Pakistan is the link between the Muslim world and the People's Republic
of China. A strong alliance between the Islamic nations (roughly one billion
people) and China (another one billion plus) would not bode well for American
economic, political, and security interests in Asia. However, Sino-Muslim
relations do not extend beyond military exchanges and the periodic state visit.
China's persecution of the predominantly Muslim Uigher community in western
Xinjiang province; its state-supported atheism, forced abortions, and
anti-family policies find little support among the religious people of Pakistan.
Ameliorating U.S.-Pakistan relations would serve the dual purpose of providing
an entry into the Muslim world and advancing the containment of Chinese hegemony
in the region.
Second, Pakistan's foreign policy, unlike most of the Islamic world, is not
directed at Israel, which serves as a litmus test for most Muslim nations, even
such U.S. allies as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Pakistan is willing to look beyond
a single-issue, and see America as a whole. Understanding that, the Bush
administration should build relations based on our similarities in values.
Pakistan, although presently in a state of transition, has attempted to
establish a democratic government; elected a female head of state; and worked
towards a genuine separation of powers in government. The streets of Islamabad,
Karachi, and Lahore are not filled with radicals burning the American flag --
but with rather well-educated, English-speaking professionals. Women are not
obliged to live in domestic servitude; rather they are doctors, legislators, and
judges. There are substantial Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox communities,
the members of which are free to practice their Christian faith. Rather than
considered heretical, these people are respected as "people of the
Book" holding a privileged place in the Islamic worldview. This special
relationship, provided for and extensively commentated on in Islamic philosophy,
is a built-in, theoretical base for developing U.S.-Pakistan relations.
Daily prayer, a ban on alcohol, and a strict code of personal morality are
typical of this Islamic State. They are also typical of daily life in myriad
towns and cities across the United States. For economic reasons, many Pakistanis
have immigrated to the United States. The shared morality of our two countries
makes the U.S. the logical choice. During the past four elections, the
Pakistani-American community has been one of the most loyal Republican voting
blocks -- less for economic reasons than for social ones. By engaging Pakistan,
the Bush administration has the chance to show the Muslim world that America is
more than a nation it shares economic ties with; America is a nation it shares
moral ties with.