Asiaweek Issue 25th February 2000

Malaysia's dominant party needs to re-examine itself By IBRAHIM SAAD

Ibrahim Saad is an UMNO supreme council member. He was formerly a deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department and political secretary to Anwar Ibrahim. photo: Asiaweek Pictures

There have always been rallying points in the development of Malay politics over the past half-century. The first step in the Malays' struggle to sustain their political supremacy was to oppose the formation of the Malayan Union, a British divide-and-rule tool. Malays from all states were mobilized to gather in Kuala Lumpur, an event that paved the way for the formation of the United Malays National Organization in 1946.

Even when its founder Onn Jaafar, embroiled in a feud over political direction, left to start his own multiracial party in the early 1950s, UMNO stayed intact. There were alternative parties, especially the Islamic movement, but UMNO was relevant to the needs of Malays. Through the years the party itself remained a rallying point. It spearheaded the efforts to achieve Independence in 1957. During the tumultuous 1960s, it positioned Malay as the national language.

Perhaps the most important rallying point was the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP), which ran from 1970 to 1990. The policy was the brainchild of UMNO after it realized that the Malays' weakness lay in the economic sector. The unequal distribution of wealth among the races was among the factors that led to the racial riots of May 13, 1969. With the NEP, Malay participation in the economy has increased tremendously and created a middle class as well as the nouveau riche.

By and large the UMNO-led National Front government had fulfilled the desires of a growing society. So it seemed. But by the early 1990s the Malays were the "yuppies" of Malaysia. At the same time they found that meeting material and physical needs alone was not enough. There were also emotional needs and self-actualization in the form of freedom of expression, speech, thought, viewing and writing, and self-confidence. The government's efforts to fulfill these were somewhat inadequate.

Suddenly there was a vacuum. What comes after Independence, education and phenomenal economic success? For years UMNO had survived largely due to the success of the NEP. The party kept reminding the Malays that they should be thankful to it for putting them where they were today. Instead, the Malays began to feel a little displaced when UMNO did not provide a new rallying point as it had done in the past.

There were shouts of reformasi (reform) in the streets of Kuala Lumpur. Those made successful by UMNO's policies railed against the party. UMNO was perplexed that the people the party created had become, to it, a Frankenstein's monster. The Anwar Ibrahim saga added sparks to the tension and restlessness. Reformasi, whatever it stood for, became a rallying point for the yuppies and the "new rich." Anwar cleverly harnessed the latent emotions, especially the desire among Malays to express themselves and act as they deemed right. The opposition parties capitalized on this, poking at issues, as did the NGOs.

Why had UMNO failed to regain the imagination of the Malays, especially the young? Had it not conceptualized an idea that would pull them closer? Or was it not providing an avenue for members or the rakyat [people] to say what they felt about the party? When UMNO's supreme council ruled recently that there should be no contest for top posts, the rakyat began to compare their avenues of expression with those of party members. In fact, many members feel that their freedom of choice and expression have been curbed. Some at grassroots have the sense that there is no longer room for fair play - being able to elect who they want.

While party members must accept the leadership's no-contest decision, many quietly resent it. The leadership has maintained that if contests are allowed, it will further split the Malays and erode efforts to regain ground in the next general elections that was lost in the last elections in November. But the no-contest decision gives the impression to grassroots members that UMNO has slackened in upholding the spirit of competition - that the democratic process in the party has deteriorated. Many feel that freedom of choice must be allowed. It will be sad and dangerous for UMNO if members look for other avenues to vent their anger.

For some at the grassroots there are still high hopes of a rallying against the decision. This would capture everyone's imagination. Party members say they need to renew their aspirations and hopes. They count on UMNO to spearhead change. From its inception, reformation has been UMNO's buzzword; it kept the party united and close-knit. It was not Anwar who coined the audacious and ambiguous term reformasi. It has been used often by past leaders to pursue goals in development and unity.

Alas, the word reform has such negative connotations these days, but the reality is that we need the process. Reform of its Malay agenda has to be launched afresh in UMNO right now, and continue through the millennium so that the democratic process runs forever. UMNO needs to re-examine itself. It has always been the tool that tills the land and the hand that rocks the cradle. Now it must be seen to be "cool" by the young, politically correct by the masses, and relevant to the times. UMNO will be more successful than in the past if it lessens the friction in the hinges.