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See Douglas Reed
"The
Grand Design"
"Whence comes this uncanny note of prophecy,
prophecy in part fulfilled, in part far gone in the way of fulfillment?
Have we been struggling these tragic years to ... extirpate the secret
organization of German world domination only to find beneath it, another, more
dangerous because more secret? Have we ... escaped a Pax Germanica only
to fall into a Pax Judaica?"
The Times, London, May 8th, 1920.
"A document forged to defame a people."
The American Hebrew.
"A clumsy forgery."
Lucien Wolf in The Spectator, London, June 12th, 1920.
"If the document is a forgery, as alleged, then it
is one of the most remarkable in the history of literature"
The Spectator, London, October 16th, 1920.
"Those who feel libeled by the Protocols
have the most obvious remedy in the world: all they have to do is to rise and
denounce the policy of them, instead of denying the authorship ... But when you
come to read them, how can any reasonable man deny the truth of what is
contained in them?"
Norman Jaques. M.P., in Canadian House of Commons, July 9th 1943.
"The authenticity of this document cannot be
proved; on the other hand, the efforts made by some writers, principally Jewish,
to show it to be a forgery do not carry conviction to many serious minds."
The Rev. Denis Fahey, C.S.Sp., B.A., D.D., 1939.
"It is too terribly real for fiction, too well
sustained for speculation, too deep in its knowledge of the secret springs of
life for forgery."
The Dearborne Independent, July 10th,1920.
"The United Nations is Zionism, it is the super
government mentioned many times in the Protocols of the Learned Elders of
Zion, promulgated between 1897 and 1905."
Henry Klein, New York Jewish Lawyer, in Zionism Rules the World, 1948.
"How much the whole existence of this people (the
Jews) is based on a permanent falsehood is proved in a unique way by 'The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion', which are so violently repudiated by the
Jews. With groans and moans, the Frankfurter Zeutung repeats again
and again that these are forgeries. This alone is evidence in favour of their
authenticity. What many Jews unconsciously wish to do is here clearly set forth.
It is not necessary to ask out of what Jewish brain these revelations sprung;
but what is of vital interest is that they disclose, with an almost terrifying
precision, the mentality and methods of action characteristic of the Jewish
people and these writings expound in all their various directions the final aims
towards which the Jews are striving. The study of real happenings, however, is
the best way of judging the authenticity of those documents. If the historical
developments which have taken place within the last few centuries be studied in
the light of this book we shall understand why the Jewish Press incessantly
repudiates and denounces it. For the Jewish peril will be stamped out the moment
the general public come into possession of that book and understand it."
Adolph Hitler, in Mein Kampf, page 258
The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion may be
briefly described as a blueprint for the domination of the world by a secret
brotherhood. Whatever may be the truth about their authorship - and, as will be
shown, this has been the subject of bitter dispute - there can be no doubt that
the world society to which they look forward is nothing more or less than a
world police state.
The book in which the Protocols were first embodied was published by Professor
Sergyei A. Nilus in Russia in 1905, a copy being received in the British Museum
on August 10th, 1906. Professor Nilus concern was to expose what he believed to
be a ruthless, cold-blooded conspiracy for the destruction of Christian
civilization. Earlier, in August and September, 1903, the Russian newspaper Snamia
had published the Protocols, and they are also believed to have been published
in the winter of 1902/1903 in the newspaper Moskowskija Wiedomosti.
They remained unknown outside Russia, however, until after the Bolshevik
Revolution, when Russian emigrants brought Nilus's book to North America and
Germany.
The similarity between what was forecast in the Protocols and the fate which had
befallen Russia under the Bolsheviks was so marked that, after these long years
of neglect, they rapidly became one of the most famous (or notorious) documents
in the world.
In Bolshevik Russia, the penalty for their mere possession was death. It remains
so to this day (1968), both in the Soviet Union and Satellite countries. Outside
the Iron Curtain, in South Africa possession of the Protocols is also forbidden
by law, although the penalty is less drastic.
As a result of their rapidly growing fame, numerous attempts were made to
discredit the Protocols as a forgery. But it was not until 1933 that the Jews
resorted to legal action. On 26th June 1933, the Federation of Jewish
Communities of Switzerland and the Berne Jewish Community brought an action
against five members of the Swiss National Front, seeking a judgement that the
Protocols were a forgery and a prohibition of their publication. The procedure of the Court was astounding, the provisions of the Swiss Civil Code being
deliberately set aside. Sixteen witnesses called by the plaintiffs were heard,
but only one of the forty witnesses called by the defendants was allowed a
hearing. The Judge allowed the plaintiffs to appoint two private stenographers
to keep the register of proceedings during the hearing of their witnesses,
instead of entrusting the task to a Court official.
In view of these and similar irregularities, it was not surprising that,
after the case had lasted just on two years, the Court pronounced the Protocols
to be a forgery and demoralizing literature. The decision was given on 14th
May, 1935, but it was announced in the Jewish Press before it was delivered by
the Court!
On 1st November, 1937, the Swiss Court of Criminal Appeal quashed this
judgement in its entirety.
Jewish propagandists, however, still declare that the Protocols have been
"proved" to be a forgery.
It was natural that the Jews should try to discredit the Protocols, for their
growing fame was focusing more public attention on other revealing utterances.
In Disraeli's The Life of Lord George Bentinck, written in 1852, there occurs
this quotation:-
"The influence of the Jews may be traced in the last outbreak of the
destructive principle in Europe. An insurrection takes place against tradition
and aristocracy, against religion and property. Destruction of the Semitic
principle, extirpation of the Jewish religion, whether in the Mosaic or the
Christian form, the natural equality of men and the abrogation of property are
proclaimed by the Secret Societies which form Provisional Governments and men of
the Jewish Race are found at the head of every one of them. The people of God
co-operate with atheists; the most skilful accumulators of property ally
themselves with Communists; the peculiar and chosen Race touch the hand of all
the scum and low castes of Europe; and all this because they wish to destroy
that ungrateful Christendom which owes to them even its name, and whose tyranny
they can no longer endure."
Max Nordau, a Jew, speaking at the Zionist Congress at Basle in August 1903,
made this astonishing "prophesy": -
"Let me tell you the following words as if I were showing you the rungs
of a ladder leading upward and upward: Herzl, the Zionist Congress, the English
Uganda proposition, the future world war, the peace conference, where with the
help of England a free and Jewish Palestine will be created."
Walter Rathenau, the Jewish banker behind the Kaizer, writing in the German WeinerFrei
Presse, December 24th 1912, said:-
"Three hundred men, each of whom knows all the others, govern the fate
of the European continent, and they elect their successors from their
entourage."
Confirmation of Rathenau's statement came twenty years later in 1931 when Jean
Izoulet, a prominent member of the Jewish Alliance Israëlite Universelle, wrote
in his Paris la Capitale des Religions: -
"The meaning of the history of the last century is that today 300 Jewish
financiers, all Masters of Lodges, rule the world."
The London Jewish Chronicle, on April 4th, 1919, declared: -
"There is much in the fact of Bolshevism itself, in the fact that so
many Jews are Bolshevists, in the fact that the ideals of Bolshevism at many
points are consonant with the finest ideals of Judaism."
And on March 15th, 1923, the Jewish World asserted: -
"Fundamentally Judaism is anti-Christian."
These and many similar assertions from Jewish sources were damaging enough from
the Jewish point of view. Taken in conjunction with the Protocols, with which
more and more people were becoming familiar, they were damning.
The attitude of many people whose concern over the growing attack on Christian
civilization was rapidly increasing was summed up by the late Henry Ford senior,
the founder of the world-famous motor manufacturing company. In an interview
published in the New York World on February 17th, 1921, Mr. Ford
declared: -
"The only statement I care to make about the Protocols is that they fit
in with what is going on. They are sixteen years old, and have fitted the world
situation up to this time. They fit it now."
Those who, like Henry Ford, could see that "they fit it now" only
sixteen years after Nilus's first publication of the Protocols, naturally tended
to concentrate their attention on the relatively recent phenomenon of
Bolshevism. Few of them then understood the equally dangerous, if more
insidious, danger of internationalism.
Now, however, more than half a century after Nilus's publication of the
Protocols, the reality of that danger must be crystal clear to anybody who views
the world situation objectively.
The Protocols are full of references to a "super-Government". Protocol
VI, for example, states: -
"In every possible way we must develop the significance of our
super-Government by representing it as the Protector and Benefactor of all those
who voluntarily submit to us."
That is exactly the way the United Nations Organization, set up at the end of
the second World War, is represented to those who "voluntarily submit"
to it.
It is exactly the way the various United Nations special agencies - U.N.E.S.C.O.
(U.N. Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization); I.L.O. (International
Labour Organization); W.H.O. (World Health Organization); F.A.O. (Food and
Agricultural Organization); Commission on Human Rights; Genocide Convention,
etc. - are represented.
For some years there has been in existence an international organization calling
itself the World Association of Parliamentarians for World Government, which
pursues the same objective as that of another long established International
Organization, Federal Union. This body does not disguise the fact that the
United Nations, by means of a few relatively minor changes in its Charter, could
be transformed virtually overnight into a World Government.
There has long been agitation for the creation of a World Police Force. This
would enable the United Nations super-Government to function as the master of an
all-powerful World Police State, and the closing years of the1950's have seen
the agitators for a World Police Force come close to achieving their objective.
The U.N. Emergency Force, established after the Suez crisis in 1956, has been
openly regarded as a "pilot scheme".
Should the few changes in the Charter necessary to transform the U.N. into a
super-Government be made, it will have in the special agencies ready made
Ministers of Education (or Propaganda), Labour, Health, Food and Agriculture,
"Justice" etc.
Can it be an accident that these things are so accurately fore-shadowed in the
Protocols?
The full-scale World super-Government is not the only, nor perhaps the most
immediate, danger. It is obvious to everyone that the nations of the East are
being herded into subjection under the dominance of the Soviet Union. But what
of the nations of the West? Are they really the "free nations" which
they are popularly supposed to be?
Far from it! They are being herded into the same sort of pen as are the nations
of the East under Communism - and often on the pretext that this is the only way
in which they can save themselves from Communism. Late in 1957, the process had
gone far enough to be given an official name. That name was the "policy of
inter-dependence".
The nations of the West are being brought under international control at
political, military and economic levels. They are rapidly in process of becoming
controlled also on the social level. All alike are being told that their only
hope lies in the surrender of national sovereignty.
National Parliaments must give way to such bodies as the Council of Europe or
the Atlantic Council. National Forces must be submerged in such bodies as the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.), the Baghdad Pact or the
South-East Asia Treaty Organization (S.E.A.T.O.), so that no nation has control
over its own means of defence. National economies must be submerged in such
bodies as the Organization for European Economic Co-operation (O.E.E.C.), the
European Payments Union (E.P.U.) or the World Bank, so that no nation may
control its own economic destiny.
Even on the social level, individual national distinctions must disappear. For
example, under the "Common Market" Treaty which unites six European
nations on the economic plane, provision is made for the "equalization of
social policies". And strenuous efforts have been made to herd other
European, Great Britain among them, into this same pen in the associated
European Free Trade Area.
In 1934, when the leader of the British Labour Party (Mr. Clement Attlee) told
the party's annual conference: -
"We are deliberately putting loyalty to a world order above loyalty to our
own country", he was widely execrated. Twenty-three years of propaganda,
however, leave their mark, and when, in 1957, a Conservative Prime Minister of
Britain told the British people that they must surrender some of their national
sovereignty to an unknown international cabal, scarcely a voice was raised in
protest. At the close of 1957 there was an official declaration of the British
Government's support for the plan that was fore-shadowed in the Protocols over
sixty years ago. The Earl of Gosford, Joint Parliamentary Under-Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, said in the House of Lords on 7th November, 1957: -
"Her Majesty's Government are fully in agreement with World Government. We
agree that this must be the goal, and that every step that is humanly possible
must be taken to reach that goal".
All over the world, "federation", "integration",
"regionalisation", and "inter-dependence" are the order of
the day. All this was fore-shadowed in the Protocols, published more than
half-a-century ago, which, we are told, are a forgery.
Can all this be coincidence? Could any forger be so prescient?
Or are the Protocols what Nilus and many others believed them to be - the
blueprint of a conspiracy to destroy Christian civilization and place the whole
world under the domination of a small, select cabal?
I. - "Agentur" and "The Political."
There are two words in this translation which are
unusual, the word "Agentur" and "political" used as a
substantives. "Agentur" appears to be adopted from the original text
and it means the whole body of agents and agencies directed by the Elders,
whether members of the tribe or their Gentile tools.
By "the Political" Mr. Marsden means, not exactly the "body
politic" but the entire machinery of politics.
II - The Symbolic Snake of Judaism.
Protocol III opens with a reference to the Symbolic
Snake of Judaism. In his Epilogue to the 1905 Edition of the Protocols, Nilus
gives the following interesting account of this symbol: -
"According to the records of secret Jewish Zionism, Solomon and other
Jewish learned men had already, in 929 B.C., thought out a theoretical scheme
for the peaceful conquest of the whole universe by Zion.
As the course of history unfolded, this scheme was elaborated and
completed by later generations of men who had been initiated into their
secrets. These learned men decided by peaceful means to conquer the world for
Zion with the slyness of the Symbolic Snake, whose head was to represent those
who have been initiated into the plans of the Jewish administration, and the
body of the Snake to represent the Jewish people - the administration was always
kept secret, even from the Jewish nation itself. As this Snake penetrated
into the hearts of the nations which it encountered it undermined and devoured
all the non-Jewish power of these States. It is foretold that the Snake has
still to finish its work, strictly adhering to the designed plan, until the
course which it has to run is closed by the return of its head to Zion and
until, by this means, the Snake has completed its round of Europe and has
encircled it - and until, by dint of enchaining Europe, it has encompassed the
whole world. This it is to accomplish by using every endeavor to subdue the
other countries by economic conquest. The return of the head of the Snake
to Zion can only be accomplished after the power of all the Sovereigns of Europe
has been laid low, that is to say, when by means of economic crises and
wholesale destruction effected everywhere, there shall have been brought about a
spiritual demoralization and a moral corruption, chiefly with the assistance of
Jewish women masquerading as French, Italians, etc.. Their example is the
surest method of encouraging licentiousness among the leaders of the
nations. A map of the course of the Symbolic Snake is shown as follows: - Its
first stage in Europe was in 429 B.C. in Greece, where, about the time of
Periceles, the Snake first started eating into the power of that country. The
second stage was in Rome in the time of Augustus, about 69 B.C.. The third in
Madrid in the time of Charles V, in A.D. 1552. The fourth in Paris about 1790,
in the time of Louis XVI. The fifth in London from 1814 onwards (after the
downfall of Napoleon). The sixth in Berlin in 1871 after the Franco-Prussian
war. The seventh in St. Petersburg, over which is drawn the head of the Snake
under the date of 1881. All these States which the Snake traversed have had the
foundations of their constitutions shaken, Germany, with its apparent power,
forming no exception to the rule. In economic conditions, England and Germany
are spared, but only till the conquest of Russia is accomplished by the Snake,
on which at present [i.e., 1905] all its efforts are concentrated. The further
course of the Snake is not shown on this map, but arrows indicate its next
movement towards Moscow, Kieft and Odessa. It is now well known to us to what
extent the latter cities form the centres of the militant Jewish race.
Constantinople is shown as the last stage of the Snake's course before it
reaches Jerusalem. (This map was drawn years before the occurrence of the
"Young Turk" - i.e., Jewish - Revolution in Turkey). .
III. - The term "GOYIM"
The term "Goyim", meaning Gentiles or non-Jews, is used throughout the
Protocols and is retained by Mr. Marsden.
Putting aside fine phrases we shall speak of the
significance of each thought: by comparison and deduction we shall throw light
upon surrounding facts.
What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two points of view,
that of ourselves and that of the goyim [i.e., non- Jews].
It must be noted that men with bad instincts outnumber good men, and
therefore the best results in governing them are attained by violence and
terrorisation, and not by academic discussions. Every man aims at power,
everyone would like to become a dictator if only he could, and rare indeed are
the men who would not be willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for the sake of
securing their own welfare.
What has restrained the beasts of prey who are called men? What has served for
their guidance hitherto?
At the dawn of society, they were subjected to brutal and blind force;
afterwards - to Law, which is the same force, only disguised. I draw the
conclusion that by the law of nature right lies in force.
Political freedom is an idea but not a fact,. and one must know how to
use it as a bait whenever it appears necessary to attract the masses of
the people to one's party for the purpose of crushing another who is in
authority. This task is rendered easier if the opponent has himself been
infected with the idea of freedom, so-called liberalism, and for the sake of an
idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that the
triumph of our theory appears; the slackened reins of government are
immediately, by the law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand,
because the blind might of the nation cannot for one single day exist without
guidance, and the new authority merely fits into the place of the old already
weakened by liberalism.
In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who were liberal is
the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. Freedom is an impossible
ideal to achieve because no one knows how to use it with moderation. It is
enough to hand over a people to self-government for a certain length of time for
that people to be turned into a disorganized mob. Thereafter there arises
internecine strife, which soon develops into class warfare, in the midst of
which States burn down and their importance is reduced to that of a heap of
ashes.
Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its internal
discord brings it under the power of external foes - in any case it can be
accounted irretrievably lost: it is in our power. The despotism of
Capital, which is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it a straw that the
State, willy-nilly, must take hold of: if not - it goes to the bottom.
Should anyone of a liberal mind say that such reflections as the above are
immoral, I would put the following questions: - If every State has two foes and
if in regard to the external foe it is allowed and not considered immoral to use
every manner and art of conflict, as for example to keep the enemy in ignorance
of plans of attack and defense, to attack him by night or in superior numbers,
then in what way can the same means in regard to a worse foe, the destroyer of
the structure of society and the commonweal, be called immoral and not
permissible?
Is it possible for any sound logical mind to hope with any success to guide
crowds by the aid of reasonable counsels and arguments, when any objection or
contradiction, senseless though it may be, can be made, and when such objection
may find more favor with the people, whose powers of reasoning are superficial?
Men in masses and the men of the masses, being guided solely by petty passions,
paltry beliefs, customs, traditions and sentimental theorim, fall a prey to
party dissension, which hinders any kind of agreement even on the basis of a
perfectly reasonable argument. Every resolution of a crowd depends upon a chance
or packed majority, which, in its ignorance of political secrets, puts forth
some ridiculous resolution that lays in the administration a seed of anarchy.
The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler who is governed
by the moral is not a skilled politician, and is therefore unstable on his
throne. He who wishes to rule must have recourse both to cunning and to
make-believe. Great national qualities, like frankness and honesty, are vices in
politics, for they bring down rulers from their thrones more effectively and
more certainly than the most powerful enemy. Such qualities must be the
attributes of the kingdoms of the goyim, but we must in no wise be guided by
them.
Our right lies in force. The word "right" is an abstract thought
and proved by nothing. The word means no more than: - Give me what I want in
order that thereby I may have a proof that I am stronger than you.
Where does right begin? Where does it end?
In any State where central authority is weak, and where laws and rulers have
lost their personality amid the flood of rights ever multiplying out of
liberalism, I find a new right - to attack by the right of the strong, and to
scatter to the winds all existing forces of order and regulation, to reconstruct
all institutions and to become the sovereign lord of those who have left to us
the rights of their power by laying them down voluntarily in their liberalism.
Our power in the present tottering condition of all forms of power will be more
invincible than any other, because it will remain invisible until the moment
when it has gained such strength that no cunning can any longer undermine it.
Out of the temporary evil we are now compelled to commit will emerge the good
of an unshakable rule, which will restore the regular course of the machinery of
the national life, brought to naught by liberalism. The result justifies the
means. Let us, however, in our plans, direct our attention not so much to what
is good and moral as to what is necessary and useful.
Before us is a strategic plan from which we cannot deviate without running
the risk of seeing the labor of many centuries brought to nought.
In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action it is necessary to have
regard to the rascality, the slackness, the instability of the mob, its lack of
capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its own life, or its own
welfare. It must be understood that the might of a mob is blind, senseless and
unreasoning force, ever at the mercy of a suggestion from any side. The blind
cannot lead the blind without bringing them into the abyss; consequently members
of the mob, upstarts from the people even though they may have a genius for
wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political, cannot come forward as
leaders of the mob without bringing the whole nation to ruin.
Only one trained from childhood for independent rule can understand the meaning
of the words that can be constructed from the political alphabet.
A people left to itself, that is, to upstarts from its midst, brings itself to
ruin by party dissensions excited by the pursuit of power and honours and
disorders arising therefrom. Is it possible for the masses of the people calmly
and without petty jealousies to form judgments, to deal with the affairs of the
country, which cannot be mixed up with personal interest? Can they defend
themselves from an external foe? It is unthinkable, for a plan broken up into as
many parts as there are heads in the mob, loses all homogeneity, and thereby
becomes unintelligible and impossible to execute.
It is only with a despotic ruler that plans can be elaborated extensively and
clearly in such a way as to distribute the whole properly among the several
parts of the machinery of the State: from this the conclusion is inevitable that
a satisfactory form of government for any country is one that is concentrated in
the hands of one responsible person. Without an absolute despotism there can be
no existence for civilization which is carried on not by the masses but by their
guide, whosoever that person may be. The mob is a savage, and displays its
savagery at every opportunity. The moment the mob seizes freedom in its hands it
quickly turns to anarchy, which in itself is the highest degree of savagery.
Behold the alcoholised animals, bemused with drink, which freedom permits them
to consume to excess. It is not for us and ours to walk that road. The
peoples of the goyim are bemused with alcoholic liquors; their youth has grown
stupid on classicism and from early immorality, into which it has been inducted
by our special agents - by tutors, lackeys, governesses in the houses of the
wealthy, by clerks and others, by our women in the places of dissipation
frequented by the goyim. Among the latter I also include the so-called
"society ladies", voluntary followers of the others in corruption and
luxury.
Our countersign is - Force and Make-believe. Only force conquers in political
affairs, especially if it be concealed in the talents essential to statesmen.
Violence must be the principle, and cunning and make-believe the rule for
governments which do not want to lay down their crowns at the feet of agents of
some new power. This evil is the one and only means to attain the end, the good.
Therefore we must not stop at bribery, deceit and treachery when they should
serve towards the attainment of our end. In politics one must know how to seize
the property of others without hesitation if by it we secure submission and
sovereignty.
Our State, marching along the path of peaceful conquest, has the right to
replace the horrors of war by less noticeable and more satisfactory sentences of
death, necessary to maintain the terror which tends to produce blind submission.
Just but merciless severity is the greatest factor of strength in the State: not
only for the sake of gain but also in the name of duty, for the sake of victory,
we must keep to the programme of violence and make-believe. The doctrine of
squaring accounts is precisely as strong as the means of which it makes use.
Therefore it is not so much by the means themselves as by the doctrine of
severity that we shall triumph and bring all governments into subjection to our
super-government. It is enough for them to know that we are merciless for all
disobedience to cease.
Far back in ancient times we were the first to cry among the masses of the
people the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," words many times
repeated since those days by stupid poll-parrots who from all sides around flew
down upon these baits and with them carried away the well-being of the world,
true freedom of the individual, formerly so well guarded against the pressure of
the mob. The would-be wise men of the goyim, the intellectuals, could not fathom
these abstract words; did not note the contradiction of their meaning and interrelation;
did not see that in nature there is no equality, cannot be freedom: that Nature
herself has established inequality of minds, of characters, and capacities, just
as immutably as she has established subordination to her laws: never stopped to
think that the mob is a blind thing, that upstarts elected from among it to bear
rule are, in regard to the political, the same blind men as the mob itself, that
the adept, though he be a fool, can yet rule, whereas the non-adept, even if he
were a genius, understands nothing in the political - to all these things the
goyim paid no regard; yet all the time dynastic rule rested upon these tenets;
for the father passed on to the son a knowledge of the course of political
affairs in such wise that none should know it but members of the dynasty and
none could betray it to the governed. As time went on, the meaning of the
dynastic transference of the true position of affairs in the political was lost,
and this aided the success of our cause.
In all corners of the earth the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,"
brought to our ranks, thanks to our blind agents, whole legions who bore our
banners with enthusiasm. And all the time these words were canker-worms at work
boring into the well-being of the goyim, putting an end everywhere to peace,
quiet, solidarity and destroying all the foundations of the goy States. As you
will see later, this helped us to our triumph: it enabled us to grasp, among
other things, the master card - the destruction of the privileges, or in other
words of the very existence of the aristocracy of the goyim, that class which
was the only defense peoples and countries had against us. On the ruins of the
natural and genealogical aristocracy of the goyim we have set up the aristocracy
of our educated class headed by the aristocracy of money. The qualifications for
this aristocracy we have established in wealth, which is dependent upon us, and
in knowledge, for which our learned elders provide the motive force.
Our triumph has been rendered easier by the fact that in our relations with the
men whom we wanted, we have always worked upon the most sensitive chords of the
human mind, upon the cash account, upon the cupidity, upon the insatiability for
material needs of man; and each one of these human weaknesses, taken alone, is
sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over the will of men to the
disposition of him who has bought their activities.
The abstraction of freedom has enabled us to persuade the mob in all countries
that their government is nothing but the steward of the people who are the
owners of the country, and that the steward may be replaced like a worn-out
glove.
It is this possibility of replacing the representatives of the people which has
placed them at our disposal, and, as it were, given us the power of appointment.
It is indispensable for our purpose that wars, so
far as possible, should not result in territorial gains: war will thus be
brought on to the economic ground, where the nations will not fail to perceive
in the assistance we give the strength of our predominance, and this state of
things will put both sides at the mercy of our international agentur, which
possesses millions of eyes ever on the watch and unhampered by any limitations
whatsoever. Our international rights will then wipe out national rights, in
the proper sense of right, and will rule the nations precisely as the civil law
of States rules the relations of their subjects among themselves.
The administrators, whom we shall choose from among the public, with strict
regard to their capacities for servile obedience, will not be persons trained in
the arts of government, and will therefore easily become pawns in our game in
the hands of men of learning and genius, who will be their advisers, specialists
bred and reared from early childhood to rule the affairs of the whole world.
As is well known to you, these specialists of ours have been drawing the
information they need, to fit them for rule, from our political plans,
from the lessons of history, from observations made of the events of every
moment as it passes. The goyim are not guided by practical use of unprejudiced
historical observation, but by theoretical routine without any critical regard
for consequent results. We need not, therefore, take any account of them - let
them amuse themselves until the hour strikes, or live on hopes of new forms of
enterprising pastime, or on the memories of all they have enjoyed. For them let
that play the principal part which we have persuaded them to accept as the
dictates of science (theory). It is with this object in view that we are
constantly, by means of our press, arousing a blind confidence in these
theories. The intellectuals of the goyim will puff themselves up with their
knowledge and without any logical verification will put into effect all the
information available from science, which our agentur specialists have cunningly
pieced together for the purpose of educating their minds in the direction we
want.
Do not suppose for a moment that these statements are empty words: think
carefully of the successes we arranged for Darwinism, Marxism, Nietzscheism. To
us Jews, at any rate, it should be plain to see what a disintegrating effect
these directives have had upon the minds of the goyim.
It is indispensable for us to take account of the thoughts, characters,
tendencies of the nations in order to avoid making slips in the political and in
the direction of administrative affairs. The triumph of our system, and of the
machinery of which it is composed, which may vary according to the temperament
of the peoples we encounter, will not be assured unless its practical
application is based upon a resume of the lessons of the past in the light of
the present..
In the hands of the States of today there is a great force that creates the
movement of thought in the people, and that is the Press. The part played by the
Press is to keep pointing out requirements supposed to be indispensable, to give
voice to the complaints of the people, to express and to create discontent. It
is in the Press that the triumph of freedom of speech finds its incarnation. But
the goyim States have not known how to make use of this force; and it has fallen
into our hands. Through the Press we have gained the power to influence while
remaining ourselves in the shade; thanks to the Press we have got the gold in
our hands, notwithstanding that we have had to gather it out of oceans of blood
and tears. But it has paid us, though we have sacrificed many of our people.
Each victim on our side is worth in the sight of God a thousand goyim.
.
Today I may tell you that our goal is now only a few
steps off. There remains but a small space to cross of the long path we
have trodden before the cycle of the Symbolic Snake, by which we symbolize our
people, will be completed. When this ring closes, all the States of Europe will
be locked in its coil as in a powerful vice.
The constitutional scales of these days will shortly break down, for we have
established them with a certain lack of accurate balance in order that they may
oscillate incessantly until they wear through the pivot on which they turn. The
goyim are under the impression that they have welded them sufficiently strong
and they have all along kept on expecting that the scales would come into
equilibrium. But the pivots - the kings on their thrones - are hemmed in by
their representatives, who play the fool, distraught with their own uncontrolled
and irresponsible power. This power they owe to the terror which has been
breathed into the palaces. As they have lost contact with their people, the
kings on their thrones are no longer able to come to terms with them and so
strengthen themselves against seekers after power. We have made a gulf between
the far-seeing Sovereign Power and the blind force of the people so that both
have lost all meaning, for like the blind man and his stick, both are powerless
apart.
In order to incite seekers after power to abuse it we have set all forces in
opposition one to another, breaking up their liberal tendencies towards
independence. To this end we have stirred up every form of enterprise, we have
armed all parties, we have set up authority as a target for every ambition. Of
States we have made gladiatorial arenas where a host of confused issues contend
.... A little more, and disorders and bankruptcy will be universal ....
Babblers, inexhaustible have turned into oratorical contests the sittings of
Parliament and Administrative Boards. Bold journalists and unscrupulous
pamphleteers daily fall upon executive officials. The abuse of power is the
final lever preparing all institutions for their overthrow, when everything will
fly skyward under the blows of the maddened mob.
All people are chained down to heavy toil by poverty more firmly than ever
they were chained by slavery and serfdom; from these they might free
themselves, one way and another these problems could be overcome, but from want
they will never get away. We have included in the constitution such rights
as to the masses appear fictitious and not actual rights. All these so-called
"Peoples Rights" can exist only as an idea, which can never be
realized in practical life. What is it to the proletarian labourer, bowed
double over his heavy toil, crushed by his lot in life, if talkers get the right
to babble, if journalists get the right to scribble any nonsense side by side
with good stuff, once the proletariat obtains no other profit out of the
constitution, save only those pitiful crumbs which we fling them from our table
in return for their voting in favor of what we dictate, in favor of the men we
place in power, the servants of our agentur ... Republican rights for a poor man
are no more than a bitter piece of irony, for since he is obliged to toil almost
all day, on the one hand he is unable to use them, and on the other they rob him
of all guarantee of regular and certain earnings by making him dependent on
strikes by his comrades or lockouts by his masters.
The people, under our guidance, have annihilated the aristocracy, who were their
one and only defense and foster-mother for the sake of their own advantage which
is inseparably bound up with the well-being of the people. Nowadays, with the
destruction of the aristocracy, the people have fallen into the grips of
merciless money-grinding scoundrels who have laid a pitiless and cruel yoke upon
the necks of the workers.
We appear on the scene as alleged saviours of the worker from this oppression
and we suggest that he should enter the ranks of our fighting forces -
Socialists, Anarchists, Communists - to whom we always give support in
accordance with an alleged brotherly rule (of the solidarity of all humanity) of
our social masonry. The aristocracy, which enjoyed by law the labour of the
workers, was interested in seeing that the workers were well fed, healthy, and
strong. We are interested in just the opposite - in the diminution, the killing
out of the goyim. Our power is in the chronic shortness of food and physical
weakness of the worker because by all that this implies he is made the slave of
our will, and he will not find in his own authorities either strength or energy
to set against our will. Hunger gives capital the right to rule the worker more
surely than it was given to the aristocracy by the legal authority of kings.
By want and the envy and hatred which it engenders we shall move the mobs and
with their hands we shall wipe out all those who hinder us on our way.
When the hour strikes for our Sovereign Lord of all the World to be crowned it
is these same hands which will sweep away everything that might be a hindrance thereto.
The goyim have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the suggestions of
our specialists. Therefore they do not see the urgent necessity of what we, when
our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once, namely this, that it is essential
to reach in national schools one simple, true piece of knowledge, the basis of
all knowledge - the knowledge of the structure of human life, of social
existence, which requires division of labour, and, consequently, the division of
men into classes and conditions. It is essential for all to know that owing to
difference in the objects of human activity there cannot be any equality, that
he, who by any act of his own compromises a whole class, cannot be equally
responsible before the law with him who affects no one but only his own honour.
The true knowledge of the structure of society, into the secrets of which we do
not admit the goyim, would demonstrate to all men that position and work
must be kept within a certain circle, that they may not become a source of human
suffering, arising from an education which does not correspond with the work
which individuals are called upon to do. After a thorough study of this
knowledge the people will voluntarily submit to authority and accept such
position as is appointed them in the State. In the present state of knowledge
and the direction we have given to its development the people, blindly
believing things in print, cherishes - thanks to promptings intended to mislead
and to its own ignorance - a blind hatred towards all conditions which it
considers above itself, for it has no understanding of the meaning of class and
condition.
This hatred will be still further magnified by the effects of an economic
crisis, which will stop dealings on the exchanges and bring industry to a
standstill. We shall create by all the secret subterranean methods open to us
and with the aid of gold, which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis
whereby we shall simultaneously throw upon the streets whole mobs of workers in
all the countries of Europe. These mobs will rush delightedly to shed the blood
of those whom, in the simplicity of their ignorance, they have envied from their
cradles, and whose property they will then be able to loot.
Ours they will not touch, because the moment of attack will be known to us and
we shall take measures to protect our own. We have demonstrated that progress
will bring all the goyim to the sovereignty of reason. Our despotism will be
precisely that; for it will know how to pacify all unrest by wise severities, to
cauterize liberalism out of all institutions.
When the populace has seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences are
yielded in the name of freedom imagining itself to be sovereign lord it has
stormed its way to power but, naturally, like every other blind man, it has come
upon a host of stumbling blocks, it has rushed to find a guide, it has
never had the sense to return to the former state and it has laid down its
plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French Revolution, to which it
was we who gave the name of "Great": the secrets of its preparations
are well known to us for it was wholly the work of our hands.
Ever since that time we have been leading the peoples from one disenchantment to
another, so that in the end they should turn also from us in favor of that
King-Despot of the blood of Zion, whom we are preparing for the world.
At the present day we are, as an international force, invincible, because if
attacked by some we are supported by other States. It is the bottomless
rascality of the goyim peoples, who crawl on their bellies to force, but are
merciless towards weakness, unsparing to faults and indulgent to crimes,
unwilling to bear the contradictions of a free social system but patient unto
martyrdom under the violence of a bold despotism - it is those qualities which
are aiding us to independence. From the premier-dictators of the present day,
the goyim peoples suffer patiently and bear abuses for the least of which
they would have beheaded twenty kings.
What is the explanation of this phenomenon, this curious inconsequence of the
masses of the peoples in their attitude towards what would appear to be events
of the same order?
It is explained by the fact that these dictators whisper to the peoples through
their agents that through these abuses they are inflicting injury on the States
with the highest purpose - to secure the welfare of the peoples, the
international brotherhood of them all, their solidarity and equality of rights.
Naturally they do not tell the peoples that this unification must be
accomplished only under our sovereign rule.
And thus the people condemn the upright and acquit the guilty, persuaded ever
more and more that it can do whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state of
things, the people are destroying every kind of stability and creating disorders
at every step.
The word "freedom" brings out the communities of men to fight
against every kind of force, against every kind of authority even against God
and the laws of nature. For this reason we, when we come into our kingdom,
shall have to erase this word from the lexicon of life as implying a principle
of brute force which turns mobs into bloodthirsty beasts.
These beasts, it is true, fall asleep again every time when they have drunk
their fill of blood, and at such time can easily be riveted into their chains.
But if they be not given blood they will not sleep but continue to struggle.
Every republic passes through several stages. The first
of these is comprised in the early days of mad raging by the blind mob, tossed
hither and thither, right and left: the second is demagogy from which is born
anarchy, and that leads inevitably to despotism - not any longer legal and
overt, and therefore responsible despotism, but unseen and secretly hidden, yet
nevertheless sensibly felt despotism in the hands of some secret organization or
other, whose acts are the more unscrupulous in as much as it works behind a
screen, behind the backs of all sorts of agents, to change whom not only does
not injuriously affect but actually aids the secret force by saving it, thanks
to continual changes, from the necessity of expending its resources on rewarding
long services.
Who and what is in a position to overthrow an invisible force? And this is
precisely what our force is. Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us
and our objects, but the plan of action of our force, even its very
abiding-place, remains for the whole people an unknown mystery.
But even freedom might be harmless and have its place in the State economy
without injury to the well-being of the peoples if it rested upon the foundation
of faith in God, upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the
conception of equality, which is negatived by the very laws of creation, for
they have established subordination. With such a faith as this a people might be
governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and humbly under
the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting to the dispositions of God
upon earth. This is the reason why it is indispensable for us to undermine
all faith, to tear out of the minds of the goyim the very principle of Godhead
and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical calculations and material
needs.
In order to give the goyim no time to think and take note, their minds must be
diverted towards industry and trade. Thus, all the nations will be swallowed up
in the pursuit of gain and in the race for it will not take note of their common
foe. But again, in order that freedom may once for all disintegrate and ruin the
communities of the goyim, we must put industry on a speculative basis: as
a result, what is withdrawn from the land by industry will slip through their
hands and pass into speculation, that is, to our classes.
The intensified struggle for superiority and shocks delivered to economic life
will create, nay, have already created, disenchanted, cold and heartless
communities. Such communities will foster a strong aversion towards the higher
political and towards religion. Their only guide is gain, that is Gold, which
they will erect into a veritable cult, for the sake of those material delights
which it can give. Then will the hour strike when, not for the sake of attaining
the good, not even to win wealth, but solely out of hatred towards the
privileged, the lower classes of the goyim will follow our lead against our
rivals for power, the intellectuals of the goyim.
What form of administrative rule can be given to
communities in which corruption has penetrated everywhere, communities where
riches are attained only by the clever surprise tactics of semi-swindling
tricks; where looseness reigns; where morality is maintained by penal measures
and harsh laws but not by voluntarily accepted principles; where the feelings
towards faith and country are obliterated by cosmopolitan convictions? What form
of rule is to be given to these communities if not that despotism which I shall
describe to you later? We shall create an intensified centralization of
government in order to grip in our hands all the forces of the community. We
shall regulate mechanically all the actions of the political life of our
subjects by new laws. These laws will withdraw one by one all the indulgences
and liberties which have been permitted by the goyim, and our kingdom will be
distinguished by a despotism of such magnificent proportions as to be at any
moment and in every place in a position to wipe out any goyim who oppose us by
deed or word.
We shall be told that such a despotism as I speak of is not consistent with the
progress of these days, but I will prove to you that is is.
In the times when the peoples looked upon kings on their thrones as on a pure
manifestation of the will of God, they submitted without a murmur to the
despotic power of kings: but from the day when we insinuated into their minds
the conception of their own rights they began to regard the occupants of thrones
as mere ordinary mortals. The holy unction of the Lord's Anointed has fallen
from the heads of kings in the eye of the people, and when we also robbed them
of their faith in God the might of power was flung upon the streets into the
place of public proprietorship and was seized by us.
Moreover, the art of directing masses and individuals by means of cleverly
manipulated theory and verbiage, by regulations of life in common and all sorts
of other tricks, in all which the goyim understand nothing, belongs likewise to
the specialists of our administrative brain. Reared on analysis,
observation, on delicacies of fine calculation, in this species of skill we have
no rivals, any more than we have in the drawing up of plans of political action
and solidarity. In this respect the Jesuits alone might have compared with us,
but we have contrived to discredit them in the eyes of the unthinking mob as an
overt organization, while we ourselves all the while have kept our secret
organization in the shade. However, it is probably all the same to the world who
is its sovereign lord, whether the head of Catholicism or our despot of the
blood of Zion! But to us, the Chosen People, it is very far from being a
matter of indifference.
For a while perhaps we might be successfully dealt with by a coalition of the
goyim of all the world: but from this danger we are secured by the discord
existing among them whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never now be
plucked up. We have set one against another the personal and national reckonings
of the goyim, religious and race hatreds, which we have fostered into a huge
growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is the reason why there
is not one State which would anywhere receive support if it were to raise its
arm, for every one of them must bear in mind that any agreement against us would
be unprofitable to itself. We are too strong - there is no evading our power.
The nations cannot come to even an inconsiderable private agreement without our
secretly having a hand in it.
Per Me reges regnant. "It is through me that Kings
reign." And it was said by the prophets that we were chosen by God Himself
to rule over the whole earth. God has endowed us with genius that we may be
equal to our task. Were genius in the opposite camp it would still struggle
against us, but even so a newcomer is no match for the old-established settler:
the struggle would be merciless between us, such a fight as the world has never
yet seen. Aye, and the genius on their side would have arrived too late. The
wheels of the machinery of all States are moved by the force of the engine,
which is in our hands, and that engine of the machinery of States is - Gold. The
science of political economy invented by our learned elders has for long past
been giving royal prestige to capital.
Capital, if it is to co-operate untrammeled, must be free to establish a
monopoly of industry and trade: this is already being put in execution by an
unseen hand in all quarters of the world. This freedom will give political force
to those engaged in industry, and that will help to oppress the people. Nowadays
it is more important to disarm the peoples than to lead them into war; more
important to use for our advantage the passions which have burst into flames
than to quench their fire; more important to catch up and interpret the ideas of
others to suit ourselves than to eradicate them. The principal object of our
directorate consist in this: to debase the public mind by criticism; to lead it
away from serious reflection calculated to arouse resistance; to distract the
forces of the mind towards a sham fight of empty eloquence.
In all ages the peoples of the world, equally with individuals, have accepted
words for deeds, for they are content with a show and rarely pause to
note, in the public arena, whether promises are followed by performance.
Therefore we shall establish show institutions which will give eloquent proof of
their benefit to progress.
We shall assume the liberal physiognomy of all parties, of all directions, and
we shall give that physiognomy a voice in orators who will speak so much that
they will exhaust the patience of their hears and produce an abhorrence of
oratory.
In order to put public opinion into our hands we must bring it into a state
of bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory
opinions and for such length of time as will suffice to make the goyim lose
their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing is to have no
opinion of any kind in matters political, which it is not given to the public to
understand, because they are understood only by him who guides the public. This
is the first secret.
The second secret requisite for the success of our government is comprised in
the following: To multiply to such an extent national failings, habits,
passions, conditions of civil life, that it will be impossible for anyone to
know where he is in the resulting chaos, so that the people in consequence will
fail to understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another
way, namely, to sow discord in all parties, to dislocate all collective forces
which are still unwilling to submit to us, and to discourage any kind of
personal initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair. There is
nothing more dangerous to us than personal initiative: if it has genius behind
it, such initiative can do more than can be done by millions of people among
whom we have sown discord. We must so direct the education of the goyim
communities that whenever they come upon a matter requiring initiative they drop
their hands in despairing impotence. The strain which results from freedom
of action saps the forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this
collision arise grave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures. By all these
means we shall so wear down the goyim that they will be compelled to offer us
international power of a nature that will enable us without any violence
gradually to absorb all the State forces of the world and to form a Super-Government.
In place of the rulers of today we shall set up a bogey which will be called the
Super-Government Administration. Its hands will reach out in all directions like
nippers and its organization will be of such colossal dimensions that it cannot
fail to subdue all the nations of the world.
We shall soon begin to establish huge monopolies,
reservoirs of colossal riches, upon which even large fortunes of the goyim will
depend to such an extent that they will go to the bottom together with the
credit of the States on the day after the political smash ...You gentlemen here
present who are economists, just imagine the significance of this combination!
...
In every possible way we must develop the significance of our Super-Government
by representing it as the Protector and Benefactor of all those who voluntarily
submit to us.
The aristocracy of the goyim as a political force, is dead - we need not take
it into account; but as landed proprietors they can still be harmful to us since
as such they are self-sufficient. It is essential therefore for us at
whatever cost to deprive them of their land. This object will be best
attained by increasing the burdens upon landed property - in loading lands with
debts. These measures will check land-holding and keep it in a state of
humble and un-conditional submission.
The aristocrats of the goyim, being hereditarily incapable of contenting
themselves with little, will rapidly burn up and fizzle out.
At the same time we must intensively patronize trade and industry, but, first
and foremost, speculation, whose part is to provide a counterpoise to industry:
the absence of speculative industry will multiply capital in private hands and
will serve to restore agriculture by freeing the land from indebtedness to the
land banks. We want industry to drain off from the land both
labour and capital and by means of speculation transfer into our hands all the
money of the world, and thereby throw all the goyim into the ranks of the
proletariat. Then the goyim will bow down before us, if for no other reason
but to get the right to exist.
To completely ruin the industry of the goyim we shall bring to the assistance of
speculation the luxury which we have developed among the goyim, that greedy
demand for luxury which is swallowing up everything. We shall raise the rate
of wages which, however, will not bring any advantage to the workers for, at the
same time, we shall produce a rise in prices of the first necessaries of life
alleging that it arises from the decline of agriculture and cattle-breeding; we
shall further undermine sources of production, artfully and deeply, by
accustomizing the workers to anarchy and to drunkenness, and side by side
therewith taking all measures to extirpate from the face of the earth all the
educated forces of the goyim
In order that the true meaning of things may not strike the goyim before the
proper time we shall mask it under an alleged ardent desire to serve the working
classes and the great principles of political economy about which our economic
theories are carrying on an energetic propaganda.
The intensification of armaments, the increase of
police forces - are all essential for the completion of the aforementioned
plans. We desire that there should be in all the States of the world, besides
ourselves, only the masses of the proletariat, a few millionaires devoted to our
interests, police and soldiers.
Throughout all Europe, and by means of relations with Europe, in other
continents also, we must create ferments, discords and hostility. Therein we
gain a double advantage. In the first place we keep in check all countries, for
they will know that we have the power whenever we like to create disorders or to
restore order. All these countries are accustomed to see in us an indispensable
force of coercion. In the second place, by our intrigues we shall tangle up all
the threads which we have woven into the cabinets of all States by means of the
political, by economic treaties, or loan obligations. In order to succeed in
this we must use great cunning and penetration during negotiations and
agreements, but, as regards what is called the "official language," we
shall keep to opposite tactics and assume the mask of honesty and compliancy. In
this way the peoples and governments of the goyim, whom we have taught to look
only at the outside of whatever we present to their notice, will still continue
to accept us as the benefactors and saviours of the human race.
We must be in a position to respond to every act of opposition by war with the
neighbours of that country which dares to oppose us: but if these neighbours
should also venture to stand collectively together against us, then we must
offer resistance by a universal war.
The principal factor of success in the political is the secrecy of its
undertakings: the word should not agree with the deeds of the diplomat.
We must compel the governments of the goyim to take action in the direction
favoured by our widely-conceived plan, already approaching the desired
consummation, by what we shall represent as public opinion, secretly promoted by
us through the means of that so-called "Great Power" - the Press
which, with a few exceptions that may be disregarded, is already entirely in our
hands.
In a word, to sum up our system of keeping the governments of the goyim in
Europe in check, we shall show our strength to one of them by terrorist attempts
and to all, if we allow the possibility of a general rising against us, we shall
respond with the guns of America or China or Japan.
We must arm ourselves with all the weapons which our
opponents might employ against us. We must search out the very finest shades of
expression and knotty points in the Lexicon of legal justification for
those cases where we shall have to pronounce judgments that might appear
abnormally audacious and unjust, for it is important that these resolutions
should be set forth in expressions that shall seem to be the most exalted moral
principles cast into legal form. Our directorate must surround itself with
all these forces of civilization among which it will have to work. It will
surround itself with publicists, practical jurists, administrators, diplomats
and finally, with persons prepared by a special super-educational training in
our special schools. These persons will have cognizance of all the secrets of
the social structure, they will know all the languages that can be made up by
political alphabets and words; they will be made acquainted with the whole
underside of human nature, with all its sensitive chords on which they will have
to play. These chords are the cast of mind of the goyim, their tendencies,
short-comings, vices and qualities, the particularities of classes and
conditions. Needless to say that the talented assistants of authority, of
whom I speak, will not be taken from among the goyim, who are accustomed to
perform their administrative work without giving themselves the trouble to think
what its aim is, and never consider what it is needed for. The administrators of
the goyim sign papers without reading them, and they serve either for mercenary
reasons or for ambition.
We shall surround our government with a whole world of economists. That
is the reason why economic sciences form the principal subject of the teaching
given to the Jews. Around us again will be a whole constellation of bankers,
industrialists, capitalists and - the main thing - millionaires, because in
substance everything will be settled by the question of figures.
For a time, until there will no longer be any risk in entrusting responsible
posts in our State to our brother-Jews, we shall put them in the hands of
persons whose past and reputation are such that between them and the people lies
an abyss, persons who, if they disobey our instructions, must face criminal
charges or disappear - this in order to make them defend our interests to their
last gasp.
In applying our principles let attention be paid to the
character of the people in whose country you live and act: a general, identical
application of them, until such time as the people shall have been re-educated
to our pattern, cannot succeed. But by approaching their application cautiously
you will see that not a decade will pass before the most stubborn character will
change and we shall add a new people to the ranks of those already subdued by
us.
The words of the liberal, which are in effect the words of our Masonic
watchword, namely, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," will, when
we come into our kingdom, be changed by us into words no longer a watchword, but
only an expression of idealism, namely, into: "The right of liberty, the
duty of equality, the ideal of brotherhood." That is how we shall put
it, - and so we shall catch the bull by the horns ... 'De facto' we have
already wiped out every kind of rule except our own, although 'de jure' there
still remain a good many of them. Nowadays, if any States raise a protest
against us it is only 'pro forma' at our discretion and by our direction, for
their anti-Semitism is indispensable to us for the management of our lesser
brethren. I will not enter into further explanations, for this matter has
formed the subject of repeated discussions amongst us.
For us there are no checks to limit the range of our activity. Our
Super-Government subsists in extra-legal conditions which are described in the
accepted terminology by the energetic and forcible word - Dictatorship. I am in
a position to tell you with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the
law-givers, shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and we shall
spare; we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader. We
rule by force of will, because in our hands are the fragments of a once powerful
party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless
ambition, burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatred and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We have in our service
persons of all opinions, of all doctrines, restoring monarchists, demagogues,
socialists, communists, and utopian dreamers of every kind. We have
harnessed then all to the task: each one of them on his own account is boring
away at the last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all established
forms of order. By these acts all States are in torture; they exhort
to tranquility, they are ready to sacrifice everything for peace: But we will
not give them peace until they openly acknowledge our international
Super-Government, and with submissiveness.
The people have raised a howl about the necessity of settling the question of
Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division into fractional parties
has given them into our hands for, in order to carry on a contested struggle,
one must have money, and the money is all in our hands.
We might have reason to apprehend a union between the "clear-sighted"
force of the goy kings on their thrones and the "blind" force of the
goy mobs, but we have taken all needful measure against any such possibility:
between the one and the other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape of a
mutual terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people remains
our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with a leader and, of
course, direct them along the road that leads to our goal.
In order that the hand of the blind mob may not free itself from our guiding
hand, we must every now and then enter into close communion with it, if not
actually in person, at any rate through some of the most trusty of our brethren.
When we are acknowledged as the only authority we shall discourse with the
people personally on the market places, and we shall instruct them on questions
of the political in such wise as may turn them in the direction that suits us.
Who is going to verify what is taught in the village schools? But what an envoy
of the government or a king on his throne himself may say cannot but become
immediately known to the whole State, for it will be spread abroad by the voice
of the people.
In order not to annihilate the institutions of the goyim before it is time we
have touched them with craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the ends of
the springs which move their mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just
sense of order; we have replaced them by the chaotic licence of liberalism. We
have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct of
elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but principally into
education and training as being the corner-stones of a free existence..
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the goyim by rearing them
in principles and theories which are known to us to be false although it is by
us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them, and by merely
twisting them into contradictory interpretations, we have erected something
grandiose in the way of results. These results found expression first in the
fact that the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid them
from the eyes of the governments since it had become impossible to understand
the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory of arbitration.
You may say that the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand, if they guess what
is going on before the time comes; but in the West we have prepared against this
a maneuver of such appalling terror that the very stoutest hearts quail - the
undergrounds, those subterranean corridors, before the time comes, will be
driven under all capitals, from whence those capitals will be blown into the air
with all their organizations and archives.
Today I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and
I beg you to bear in mind that government and peoples are content in the
political with outside appearances. And how, indeed, are the goyim to
perceive the underlying meaning of things when their representatives give the
best of their energies to enjoying themselves? For our policy it is of the
greatest importance to notice this detail; it will be of assistance to us when
we come to consider the division of authority, freedom of speech, of the press,
of religion (faith), of the law of association, of equality before the law, of
the inviolability of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the idea of
concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these questions are such
as ought not to be touched upon directly and openly before the people. In
cases where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must not be
categorically named, it must merely be declared without detailed exposition that
the principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us. The reason for
keeping silence in this respect is that by not naming a principle we leave
ourselves freedom of action, to drop this or that out of it without attracting
notice; if they were all categorically named they would all appear to have been
already given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the geniuses of political
power and accepts all their deeds of violence with the admiring response:
"rascally, well, yes, it is rascally, but it's clever! ... a trick, if you
like, but how craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent
audacity!" ...
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting the new fundamental
structure, the project for which has been drawn up by us. This is why, first and
foremost, it is indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in
ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible might of the spirit
which in the person of our active workers will break down all hindrances in our
way.
When we have accomplished our coup d'état we shall say then to the various
peoples: "Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out
with sufferings. We are destroying the causes of your torment - nationalities,
frontiers, differences of coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to
pronounce sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed
by you before you make any trial of what we are offering to you." ... Then
will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of
hopes and expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument which will
set us on the throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units
of members of the human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by
groups, will then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the
last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance with us before
condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction of classes and
qualifications, in order to establish an absolute majority, which cannot be got
from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a
sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance of the
family and its educational value and remove the possibility of individual minds
splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to the front
nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only, who pay it
for obedience and attention. In this way we shall create a blind, mighty force
which will never be in a position to move in any direction without the guidance
of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of the mob. The people will
submit to this regime because it will know that upon these leaders will depend
its earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain because it will
never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to be split into fractional parts in
the minds of many. It is permissible, therefore, for us to know of the scheme of
action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the interdependence
of its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of each
clause. To discuss and make alterations in a labour of this kind by means of
numerous votes is to impress upon it the stamp of all reasoning and
misunderstanding which have failed to penetrate the depth and extent of its
plottings. We want our schemes to be forcible and suitably concocted. Therefore
we ought not to fling the work of genius of our guide to the fangs of the mob or
even to a select company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down just yet. They
will only effect changes in their economy and consequently in the whole combined
movement of their progress, which will thus be directed along the paths laid
down in our schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries approximately one and the same
thing. Representation, Ministry, Senate, State Council, Legislative and
Executive Corps. I need not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of
these institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that; only take
note of the fact that each of the above-named institutions corresponds to some
important function of the State, and I would beg to remark that the word
"important" I apply not to the institution but to the function,
consequently it is not the institutions which are important but their functions.
These institutions have divided up among themselves all the functions of
government - administrative, legislative, executive, wherefore they have come to
operate as do the organs in the human body. If we injure one part in the
machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and ... will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of Liberalism its whole
political complexion underwent a change. States have been seized with a
mortal illness - blood poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of their
death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place of what was
the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism; and a constitution, as you
well know, is nothing else but a school of discord, misunderstanding, quarrels,
disagreements, fruitless party agitations, party whims - in a word, a school of
everything that serves to destroy the personality of State activity. The
tribune of the "talkeries" has, no less effectively than the Press,
condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotency, and thereby rendered them
useless and superfluous, for which reason indeed they have been in many
countries deposed. Then it was that the era of republics became a possibility
that could be realized; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by a
caricature of a government - by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst
of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of the mine
which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather say, under the goy
peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in carrying through
matters for which our impersonal puppet will be responsible. What do we care if
the ranks of those striving for power should be thinned, if there should arise a
deadlock from the scarcity of finding presidents, a deadlock which will finally
disorganize the country? ...
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange elections
in favor of such presidents as have in their past some dark, undiscovered stain,
some "Panama" or other - then they will become trustworthy agents for
the accomplishment of our plans, being afraid, on the one hand, of revelations,
and eager, on the other for what everyone who has attained power desires,
namely, the retention of privileges, advantage and honour connected with the
office of president. The chamber of deputies will protect and elect
presidents, but we shall take from it the right to propose new, or make changes,
in existing laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible
president, a puppet in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the presidents
will then become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall
provide him with a means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the
people, for the decision of the people over the heads of their representatives,
that is to say, an appeal to that some blind slave of ours - the majority of the
mob. Independently of this we shall invest the president with the right of
declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last right on the ground that
the president as chief of the whole army of the country must be able to command
it, should it be needed to defend the new republican constitution since the
right to defend it will belong to him as the responsible representative of this
constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of the shrine will lie
in our hands, and no one outside ourselves will any longer direct the force of
legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new republican constitution,
take from the Chamber the right of interpellation on government measures, on the
pretext of preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new
constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum, thereby
proportionately reducing political passions and the passion for politics. If,
however, they should, which is hardly to be expected, burst into flame, even in
this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the
majority of the whole people ... Upon the president will depend the appointment
of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. Instead of
constant sessions of Parliaments we shall reduce their sittings to a few months.
Moreover, the president, as chief of the executive power, will have the right to
summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the time for
the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly. But in order that the
consequences of all these acts which in substance are illegal, should not,
prematurely for our plans, fall upon the responsibility established by us of the
president, we shall instigate ministers and other officials of the higher
administration about the president to evade his dispositions by taking measures
of their own, for doing which they will be made the scapegoats in his place ...
This part we especially recommend to be given to be played by the Senate, the
Council of State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to an individual
official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense of such of the
existing laws as admit of various interpretation; he will further annul them
when we indicate to him the necessity to do so. Besides this, he will have the
right to propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the government
constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the other being the
requirements for the supreme welfare of the State.
By such measure we shall obtain the power of destroying little by little, step
by step, all that at the outset when we enter on our rights, we are compelled to
introduce into the constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to the
imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then the time is come
to turn every form of government into our despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the destruction of the
constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the peoples,
utterly wearied by the irregularities and incompetence - a matter which we shall
arrange for - of their rulers, will clamor: "Away with them and give us one
king over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of disorders
- frontiers, nationalities, religions, Staate debts - who will give us peace and
quiet which we cannot find under our rulers and representatives."
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the possibility of the
expression of such wishes by all the nations it is indispensable to stir up the
people's relations with their governments in all countries so as utterly to exhaust
humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even to use torture,
starvation, the inoculation of disease and want, so that the goyim see no other
course open to them than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty in money and
in all else..
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the moment we long for
is hardly likely ever to arrive.
The State Council has been, as it were, the emphatic
expression of the authority of the ruler; it will be, as the "show"
part of the Legislative Corps, what may be called the editorial committee of the
laws and decrees of the ruler.
This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right
and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by
decrees of the president under the guise of general regulations, of orders of
the Senate and of resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial
orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise - in the form of a
revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the 'modus agendi' we will occupy ourselves
with details of those combinations by which we have still to complete the
revolution in the course of the machinery of State in the direction already
indicated. By these combinations I mean the freedom of the Press, the right
of association, freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and many another
that must disappear for ever from the memory of man, or undergo a radical
alteration the day after the promulgation of the new constitution. It is
only at that moment that we shall be able at once to announce all our orders,
for, afterwards, every noticeable alteration will be dangerous, for the
following reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh severity and in a
sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a feeling of despair caused by
fear of new alterations in the same direction: if, on the other hand, it be
brought in a sense of further indulgences it will be said that we have
recognized our own wrong-doing and this will destroy the prestige of the
infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we have become
alarmed and are compelled to show lenience for which we shall get no thanks
because it will be supposed to be compulsory ... Both the one and the other are
injurious to the prestige of the new constitution. We desire that from the first
moment of its promulgation, while the peoples of the world are still stunned by
the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and
uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we are so strong, so
inexpugnable, so super-abundantly filled with power, that in no case shall we
take any account of them, and so far from paying any attention to their opinions
or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with irresistible power all expression
or manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we have seized
at once everything we wanted and shall in no case divide our power with them ...
Then in fear and trembling they will close their eyes to everything, and be
content to await what will be the end of it all.
The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And you know what
happens when the wolves get hold of the flock? ... There is another reason also
why they will close their eyes: for we shall keep promising them to give back
all the liberties we have taken away as soon as we have quelled the enemies of
peace and tamed all parties ....
It is not worth while discussing how long they will be kept waiting for
the return of their liberties ....
For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and insinuated it
into the minds of the goy without giving them any chance to examine its
underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if not in order to obtain in a roundabout
way what is for our scattered tribe unattainable by the direct road? It is this
which has served as the basis of our organization of secret masonry which is not
know to, and whose aims are not even so much as suspected by, these goy cattle
attracted by us into the "show" army of Masonic Lodges in order to
throw dust in the eyes of their fellows.
God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of the dispersion, and in
this which appears in all eyes to be our weakness, has come forth all our
strength, which has now brought us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the
world.
There now remains not much more for us to construct upon the foundation we have
laid.
The word "freedom," which can be interpreted
in various ways, is defined by us as follows: -
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. This interpretation
of the word will at the proper time be of service to us, because all freedom
will thus be in our hands, since the laws will abolish or create only that which
is desirable for us according to the aforesaid program.
We shall deal with the Press in the following way: what is the part
played by the press today? It serves to excite and inflame those passions which
are needed for our purpose or else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is
often vapid, unjust, mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the
slightest idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle
it with a tight rein: we shall do the same also with all productions of the
printing press, for where would be the sense in silencing the attacks of the
press if we remain targets for pamphlets and books? The produce of
publicity, which nowadays is a source of heavy expense owing to the necessity of
censorship, will be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income to our
State: we shall lay on it a special stamp tax and require deposits of
caution-money before permitting the establishment of any organ of the press or
of printing offices: these will then have to guarantee our government
against any kind of attack on the part of the press. For any attempt to attack
us, if such still be possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such
measures as stamp tax, deposit of caution-money and fines secured by these
deposits, will bring in a huge income to the government. It is true that party
organs might not spare money for the sake of publicity, but these we shall shut
up at the second attack upon us. No one shall with impunity lay a finger on the
aureole of the infallibility of our government. The pretext for stopping any
publication will be the alleged plea that it is agitating the public mind
without occasion or justification. I beg you to note that among those making
attacks upon us will also be organs established by us, but they will attack
exclusively points that we have pre-determined to alter.
Not a single announcement will reach the public without our control. Even now
this is already being attained by us inasmuch as all news items are received by
a few agencies, in whose offices they are focused from all parts of the world.
These agencies will then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only
to what we dictate to them.
If we have already contrived to possess ourselves of the minds of the goy
communities to such an extent that they all come near looking upon the events of
the world through the coloured glasses of those spectacles we are setting
astride their noses; if already there is not a single State where there exist
for us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State secrets:
what will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged supreme lords of
the world in the person of our king of all the world ....
Let us turn again to the future of the printing press. Every one desirous of
being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will be obliged to provide himself
with the diploma instituted therefore, which, in case of any fault, will be
immediately impounded. With such measures the instrument of thought will
become an educative means in the hands of our government, which will no longer
allow the mass of the nation to be led astray in by-ways and fantasies about the
blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does not know that these
phantom blessings are the direct roads to foolish imaginings which give birth to
anarchical relations of men among themselves and towards authority, because
progress, or rather the idea of progress, has introduced the conception of every
kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its limits .... All the
so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in fact, at any rate in thought. Every
one of them is hunting after phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into
license, that is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest ....
We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as on all printed
matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of caution- money, and books of less
than 30 sheets will pay double. We shall reckon them as pamphlets in order, on
the one hand, to reduce the number of magazines, which are the worst form of
printed poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure may force writers
into such lengthy productions that they will be little read, especially as they
will be costly. At the same time what we shall publish ourselves to influence
mental development in the direction laid down for our profit will be cheap and
will be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid literary ambitions within
bounds and the liability to penalties will make literary men dependent upon us. And
if there should be any found who are desirous of writing against us, they will
not find any person eager to print their productions. Before accepting any
production for publication in print the publisher or printer will have to apply
to the authorities for permission to do so. Thus we shall know beforehand of all
tricks being prepared against us and shall nullify them by outstripping them
with explanations on the subject treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the most important educative forces, and
therefore our government will become proprietor of the majority of the journals.
This will neutralize the injurious influence of the privately-owned press and
will put us in possession of a tremendous influence upon the public mind .... If
we give permits for ten journals, we shall ourselves found thirty, and so on, in
the same proportion. This, however, must in no wise be suspected by the
public. For this reason all journals published by us will be, in appearance, of
the most opposite tendencies and opinions, thereby creating confidence in us and
bringing over to us our quite unsuspicious opponents, who will thus fall into
our trap and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an official character. They will always
stand guard over our interests, and therefore their influence will be
comparatively insignificant.
In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part it will be to
attract the tepid and indifferent.
In the third rank we shall set up our own opposition, which, to all
appearance in at least one of its organs, will present what looks like the very
antipothesis to us. Our real opponents at heart will accept this simulated
opposition as their own and will show us their cards.
All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions - aristocratic,
republican, revolutionary, even anarchical - for so long, of course, as the
constitution exists .... Like the Indian idol "Vishnu" they will have
a hundred hands, and every one of them will have a finger on any one sector of
public opinion as required. When a pulse quickens these hands will lead
opinion in the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power of
judgment and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who will think they are
repeating the opinion of a newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our
opinion or any opinion that seems desirable for us. In the vain belief that
they are following the organ of their party they will, in fact, follow the flag
which we hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we must take especial and
minute care in organizing this matter. Under the title of central department of
the press we shall institute literary gatherings at which our agents will,
without attracting attention, issue the orders and watchwords of the day. By
discussing and controverting, but always superficially, without touching the
essence of the matter, our organs will carry on a sham fight fusillade with the
official newspapers solely for the purpose of giving occasion for us to express
ourselves more fully than could well be done from the outset in official
announcements, whenever, of course, that is to our advantage.
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose, namely, that our
subjects will be convinced of the existence of full freedom of speech and so
give our agents an occasion to affirm that all organs that oppose us are empty
babblers since they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our
orders.
Methods of organization like these, imperceptible to the public eye but
absolutely sure, are the best calculated to succeed in bringing the attention
and the confidence of the public to the side of our government. Thanks to
such methods we shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to
excite or to tranquillize the public mind on political questions, to persuade or
confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions, according
as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously feeling our ground
before stepping upon it .... We shall have a sure triumph over our opponents
since they will not have at their disposition organs of the press in which they
can give full and final expression of their views, owing to the aforesaid
methods of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute them except
very superficially.
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our press, in case of
need, will be energetically refuted by us in our semi-official organs.
Even nowadays, take only the French press, there are forms which reveal Masonic
solidarity in acting on the watchword: all organs of the press are bound
together by professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not one of their
numbers will give away the secret of his sources of information unless it is
resolved to announce them. Not one journalist will venture to betray this secret
for not one of them is ever admitted to practice literature unless his whole
past has some disgraceful sore or other .... These sores would be immediately
revealed. So long as they remain the secret of a few the prestige of the
journalist attracts the majority of the country - the mob follow after him with
enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces. It is indispensable
for us to inflame there those hopes and impulses with which we could at any
moment fall upon the capital, and we shall represent to the capitals that these
expressions are the independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally,
the source of them will be always one and the same - ours. We require that,
until such time as we are in the plenitude of power, the capitals should find
themselves stifled by the provincial opinion of the nation, i.e., of a majority
arranged by our agentur. It is essential for our purpose that at the
psychological moment the capitals should not be in a position to discuss an
accomplished fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been
accepted by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
When we are in the period of the new regime prior to the transition to that of
the assumption of our full sovereignty we must not admit any revelations by the
Press of any form of public dishonesty; it is necessary that the new regime
should be taught to have so perfectly contented everybody that even criminality
has disappeared ... Cases of the manifestation of criminality should remain
known only to their victims and to chance witnesses - no more.
The need for daily bread forces the goyim to keep
silence and be our humble servants. Agents taken on to our Press from among
the goyim will at our orders discuss anything which it is convenient for us to
issue directly in official documents, and we meanwhile, quietly amid the din of
the discussion so raised, shall simply take and carry through such measures as
we wish and then offer them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one will
dare to demand the abrogation of a matter once settled, all the more so as it
will be represented as an improvement ... And immediately the Press will
distract the current of thought towards, new questions, (have we not trained
people always to be seeking something new?). Into the discussions of these new
questions will throw themselves those of the brainless dispensers of fortunes
who are not able even now to understand that they have not the remotest
conception about the matters which they undertake to discuss. Questions of the
political are beyond the comprehension of any save those who have guided it
already for many ages, the creators.
From all this you will see that in securing the opinion of the mob we are only
facilitating the working of our machinery, and you may remark that it is not for
actions but for words issued by us on this or that question that we seem to seek
approval. We are constantly making public declaration that we are guided in all
our undertakings by the hope, joined to the conviction, that we are serving the
commonweal.
In order to distract people who may be too troublesome from discussing
questions of the political we are now putting forward what we allege to be new
questions of the political, namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let
them discuss themselves silly! The masses agree to remain inactive, to take
a rest from what they suppose to be political activity (which we trained them
in order to use them as a means of combating the goy governments) only on
condition of being found new employments, in which we are prescribing them
something that looks like the same political object. In order that the masses
themselves may not guess what they are about we further distract them with
amusements, games, pastimes, passions, people's palaces .... Soon we shall begin
through the Press to propose competitions in art, in sport of all kinds:
these interests will finally distract their minds from questions in which we
should find ourselves compelled to oppose them. Growing more and more
unaccustomed to reflect and form any opinions of their own, people will begin to
talk in the same tone as we because we alone shall be offering them new
directions for thought ... of course through such persons as will not be
suspected of solidarity with us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will be finally played out
when our government is acknowledged. Till such time they will continue to do us
good service. Therefore we shall continue to direct their minds to all sorts
of vain conceptions of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive: for
have we not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the goyim with
progress, till there is not among the goyim one mind able to perceive that under
this word lies a departure from truth in all cases where it is not a question of
material inventions, for truth is one, and in it there is no place for progress.
Progress, like a fallacious idea, serves to obscure truth so that none may know
it except us, the Chosen of God, its guardians.
When we come into our kingdom our orators will expound great problems which have
turned humanity upside down in order to bring it in the end under our beneficent
rule.
Who will ever suspect then that all these peoples were stage-managed by us
according to a political plan which no one has so much as guessed at in the
course of many centuries? ....
When we come into our kingdom it will be undesirable
for us that there should exist any other religion than ours of the One God with
whom our destiny is bound up by our position as the Chosen People and through
whom our same destiny is united with the destinies of the world. We must
therefore sweep away all other forms of belief. If this gives birth to the
atheists whom we see today, it will not, being only a transitional stage,
interfere with our views, but will serve as a warning for those generations
which will hearken to our preaching of the religion of Moses, that, by its
stable and thoroughly elaborated system has brought all the peoples of the world
into subjection to us. Therein we shall emphasize its mystical right, on which,
as we shall say, all its educative power is based .... Then at every possible
opportunity we shall publish articles in which we shall make comparisons between
our beneficent rule and those of past ages. The blessings of tranquility,
though it be a tranquility forcibly brought about by centuries of agitation,
will throw into higher relief the benefits to which we shall point. The errors
of the goyim governments will be depicted by us in the most vivid hues. We shall
implant such an abhorrence of them that the peoples will prefer tranquility in a
state of serfdom to those rights of vaunted freedom which have tortured humanity
and exhausted the very sources of human existence, sources which have been
exploited by a mob of rascally adventurers who know not what they do ....
Unless changes of forms of government to which we instigated the goyim when we
were undermining their state structures will have so wearied the peoples by that
time that they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather than run the risk
of enduring again all the agitations and miseries they have gone through.
At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the historical mistakes of the
goy governments which have tormented humanity for so many centuries by their
lack of understanding of everything that constitutes the true good of humanity
in their chase after fantastic schemes of social blessings, never noticing
that these schemes kept on producing a worse and never a better state of the
universal relations which are the basis of human life ....
The whole force of our principles and methods will lie in the fact that we
shall present them and expound them as a splendid contrast to the dead and
decomposed old order of things in social life.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the various beliefs of the
goyim. But no one will ever bring under discussion our faith from its true point
of view since this will be fully learned by none save ours, who will never dare
to betray its secrets.
In countries known as progressive and enlightened we have created a
senseless, filthy, abominal literature. For some time after our entrance to
power we shall continue to encourage its existence in order to provide a telling
relief by contrast to the speeches, party program, which will be distributed
from exalted quarters of ours .... Our wise men, trained to become leaders of
the goyim, will compose speeches, projects, memoirs, articles, which will be
used by us to influence the minds of the goyim, directing them towards such
understanding and forms of knowledge as have been determined by us.
When we at last definitely come into our kingdom by the
aids of coups d'état prepared everywhere for one and the same day, after the
worthlessness of all existing forms of government has been definitely
acknowledged (and not a little time will pass before that comes about, perhaps
even a whole century) we shall make it our task to see that against us such
things as plots shall no longer exist. With this purpose we shall slay without
mercy all who take arms (in hand) to oppose our coming into our kingdom.
Every kind of new institution of anything like a secret society will also be
punished with death; those of them which are now in existence, are known to us,
serve us and have served us, we shall disband and send into exile to continents
far removed from Europe. In this way we shall proceed with those goy masons
who know too much; such of these as we may for some reason spare will be kept in
constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate a law making all former members of
secret societies liable to exile from Europe as the center of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the goy societies, in which we have planted and deeply rooted discord and Protestantism,
the only possible way of restoring order is to employ merciless measures that
prove the direct force of authority: no regard must be paid to the victims who
fall, they suffer for the well-being of the future. The attainment of that
well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices, is the duty of any kind of
government that acknowledges as justification for its existence not only its
privileges but its obligations. The principal guarantee of stability of rule
is to confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only by such a
majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its face the emblems of
inviolability from mystical causes - from the choice of God. Such was until
recent times, the Russian autocracy, the one and only serious foe we had in the
world, without counting the Papacy. Bear in mind the example when Italy,
drenched with blood, never touched a hair of the head of Sulla who had poured
forth that blood: Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for his might in the eyes of the
people, though they had been torn in pieces by him, but his intrepid return to
Italy ringed him round with inviolability. The people do not lay a finger on him
who hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of mind.
Meantime, however, until we come into our kingdom, we shall act in the
contrary way: we shall create and multiply free Masonic lodges in all the
countries of the world, absorb into them all who may become or who are prominent
in public activity, for in these lodges we shall find our principal intelligence
office and means of influence. All these lodges we shall bring under one
central administration, known to us alone and to all others absolutely unknown,
which will be composed of our learned elders. The lodges will have their
representatives who will serve to screen the above-mentioned administration of
masonry and from whom will issue the watchword and program. In these lodges we
shall tie together the knot which binds together all revolutionary and liberal
elements. They will be composed of all strata of society. The most secret
political plots will be known to us and fall under our guiding hands on the very
day of their conception. Among the members of these lodges will be almost all
the agents of international and national police, since their service is for us
irreplaceable in the respect that the police are in a position not only to use
their own particular measures with the insubordinate, but also to screen our
activities and provide pretexts for discontents, et cetera
The class of people who most willingly enter into secret societies are those who
live by their wits, careerists, and in general people, mostly light-minded, with
whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing and in using to wind up the
mechanism of the machine devised by us. If this world grows agitated the meaning
of that will be that we have had to stir it up in order to break up its too
great solidarity. But if there should arise in its midst a plot, then at the
head of that plot will be no other than one of our most trusted servants. It is
natural that we and no other should lead Masonic activities, for we know whither
we are leading, we know the final goal of every form of activity whereas the
goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even of the immediate effect of action;
they put before themselves, usually, the momentary reckoning of the satisfaction
of their self-opinion in the accomplishment of their thought without even
remarking that the very conception never belonged to their initiative but to our
instigation of their thought ....
The goyim enter the lodges out of curiosity or in the hope of getting a
nibble from the public pie, and some of them in order to obtain a hearing before
the public for their impracticable and groundless fantasies: they thirst for the
emotion of success and applause, of which we are remarkably generous. And
the reason why we give them this success is to make use of the high conceit of
themselves to which it gives birth, for that insensibly disposes them to assimilate
our suggestions without being on their guard against them in the fullness of
their confidence that it is their own infallibility which is giving utterance to
their own thoughts and that it is impossible for them to borrow those of others
.... You cannot imagine to what extent the wisest of the goyim can be brought
to a state of unconscious naiveté through this high conceit of themselves, and
at the same time how easy it is to take the heart out of them by the slightest
ill-success, though it be nothing more than silencing the applause they enjoyed,
and reducing them to a slavish submission for the sake of winning a
renewal of success .... By so much as ours disregard success if only they
can carry through their plans, by so much the goyim are willing to sacrifice any
plans only to have success. This psychology of theirs materially facilitates
for us the task of setting them in the required direction. These tigers in
appearance have the souls of sheep and the wind blows freely through their
heads. We have set them on the hobby-horse of an idea about the absorption of
individuality by the symbolic unit of collectivism .... They have never yet and
they never will have the sense to reflect that this hobby-horse is a manifest
violation of the most important law of nature, which has established from the
very creation of the world one unit unlike another and precisely for the purpose
of instituting individuality ....
If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid blindness is it
not proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the degree to which the mind of the
goyim is undeveloped in comparison with our mind? This it is, mainly, which
guarantees our success.
And how far-seeing were our learned elders in ancient times when they said
that to attain a serious end it behoves us not to stop at any means or to count
the victims sacrificed for the sake of that end .... We have not counted the
victims of the seed of the goy cattle, though we have sacrificed many of our
own, but for that we have now already given them such a position on the earth as
they could not even have dreamed of. The comparatively small numbers of the
victims from the number of ours have preserved our nationality from destruction.
Death is the inevitable end for all. It is better to bring that end nearer to
those who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to the founders of this affair.
We execute masons in such wise that none save the brotherhood can ever have a
suspicion of it, not even the victims themselves of our death sentence, they all
die when required as if from a normal kind of illness ..... Knowing this, even
the brotherhood in its turn dare not protest. By such methods we have plucked
out of the midst of masonry the very root of protest against our disposition.
While preaching liberalism to the goy we at the same time keep our own people
and our agents in a state of unquestioning submission.
Under our influence the execution of the laws of the goyim has been reduced to a
minimum. The prestige of the law has been exploded by the liberal
interpretations introduced into this sphere. In the most important and
fundamental affairs and questions, judges decide as we dictate to them, see
matters in the light wherewith we enfold them for the administration of the
goyim, of course, through persons who are our tools though we do not appear to
have anything in common with them - by newspaper opinion or by other means ....
Even senators and the higher administration accept our counsels. The purely
brute mind of the goyim is incapable of analysis and observation, and still more
of foreseeing whither a certain manner of setting a question may tend.
In this difference in capacity for thought between the goyim and ourselves
may be clearly discerned the seal of our position as the Chosen People and of
our higher quality of humanness, in contradistinction to the brute mind of the
goyim. Their eyes are open, but see nothing before them and do not invent
(unless perhaps, material things). From this it is plain that nature herself has
destined us to guide and rule the world.
When comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest its blessing, we
shall remake all legislatures, all our laws will be brief, plain, stable,
without any kind of interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position to
know them perfectly. The main feature which they will hold in common is
submission to orders, and this principle will be carried to a grandiose height.
Every abuse will then disappear since all, down to the lowest unit, will be held
responsible before the higher authority of the representative of power. Abuses
of power subordinate to this last instance will be so mercilessly punished that
none will be found anxious to try experiments with their own powers. We
shall pursue jealously every action of the administration on which depends the
smooth running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this produces
slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or abuse of power will be
left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in the service of the
administration - all this kind of evil will disappear after the very first
examples of severe punishment. The aureole of our power demands suitable, that
is, cruel, punishments for the slightest infringement, for the sake of gain, of
its supreme prestige. The sufferer, though his punishment may exceed his fault,
will count as a soldier falling on the administrative field of battle in the
interest of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any of those
who hold the reins of the public coach should turn aside from the public highway
to their own private paths. For example: our judges will know that whenever they
feel disposed to plume themselves on foolish clemency they are violating the law
of justice which is instituted for the exemplary edification of men by penalties
for lapse and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the judge .... Such
qualities it is proper to show in private life, but not in a public square which
is the educational basis of human life.
Our legal staff will not serve beyond the age of 55, firstly because old men
hold more obstinately to prejudiced opinions, and are less capable of
submitting to new directions, and secondly because after this measure we will
enjoy greater elasticity in changing the staff, which will thus the more
easily bend under our pressure: he who wishes to keep his place will have to
give blind obedience to deserve it. In general, our judges will be elected by us
only from among those who thoroughly understand that the part they have to play
is to punish and apply laws and not to dream about the manifestations of
liberalism at the expense of the educational scheme of the State, as the goyim
in these days imagine it to be .... This method of shuffling the staff will
serve also to explode any collective solidarity of those in the same service and
will bind all to the interests of the government upon which their fate will
depend. The young generation of judges will be trained in certain views
regarding the inadmissibility of any abuses that might disturb the established
order of our subjects among themselves.
In these days the judges of the goyim create indulgences to every kind of
crimes, not having a just understanding of their office, because the rulers of
the present age in appointing judges to office take no care to inculcate in them
a sense of duty and consciousness of the matter which is demanded of them. As a
brute beast lets out its young in search of prey, so do the goyim give their
subjects places of profit without thinking to make clear to them for what
purpose such place was created. This is the reason why their governments are
being ruined by their own forces through acts of their own administration.
Let us borrow from the example of the results of these actions yet another
lesson for our government.
We shall root out liberalism from all the important strategic posts of our
government on which depends the training of subordinates for our State structure.
Such posts will fall exclusively to those who have been trained by us for
administrative rule. To the possible objection that the retirement of old
servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I reply, firstly, they will be provided
with some private service in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I have to
remark that all the money in the world will be concentrated in our hands,
consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our absolutism will in all things be logically consecutive and therefore our
supreme will in each one of its decrees will be respected and unquestionably
fulfilled: it will ignore all murmurs, all discontents of every kind and will
destroy to the root every kind of manifestation of them in act by punishment of
an exemplary character.
We shall abolish the right of cassation, which will be transferred exclusively
to our disposal - to the cognizance of our ruler, for we must not allow the
conception among the people of a thought that there could be such a thing as a
decision that is not right by judges set up by us. If, however, anything like
this should occur, we shall ourselves cassata the decision, but inflict
therewith such exemplary punishment on the judge for lack of understanding of
his duty and the purpose of his appointment as will prevent a repetition of such
cases .... I repeat that it must be borne in mind that we shall know every step
of our administration which only needs to be closely watched for the people to
be content with us, for it has the right to demand from a good government a good
official.
Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal paternal
guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation and our subjects will
discern in his person a father caring for their every need, their every act,
their every inter-relation as subjects one with another, as well as their
relations to the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the
thought that it is impossible for them to dispense with this wardship and
guidance, if they wish to live in peace and quiet, that they will acknowledge
the autocracy of our ruler with a devotion bordering on Apotheosis, especially
when they are convinced that those whom we set up do not put their own in place
of authority, but only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that
we have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise parents who
desire to retain their children in the cause of duty and submission. For the
peoples of the world in regard to the secrets of our state are ever through the
ages only children under age, precisely as are also their governments.
As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the right to compel the
execution of duty is the direct obligation of a government which watches over
its subjects like a father. It has the right of the strong that it may use it
for the benefit of directing humanity towards that order which is defined by
nature, namely, submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission,
if not to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character, in all cases to
what is stronger. And so shall we be this something stronger for the sake of
good.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who commit a breach
of established order, for in exemplary punishment of evil lies a great
educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown offered him by
Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The indispensable victims offered
by him in consequence of their suitability will never reach the number of
victims offered in the course of centuries by the mania of magnificence, the
emulation between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples, making to them from the
tribune speeches which fame will in that same hour distribute over all the
world.
In order to effect the destruction of all collective
forces except ours we shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism - the
universities, by re-educating them in a new direction. Their officials and
professors will be prepared for their business by detailed secret programs of
action from which they will not with impunity diverge, not by one iota. They
will be appointed with special precaution and will be so placed as to be wholly
dependent upon the Government.
We shall exclude from the course of instruction State Law as also all that
concerns the political question. These subjects will be taught to a few dozen of
persons chosen for their pre-eminent capacities from among the number of the
initiated. The universities must no longer send out from their halls milksops
concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or a tragedy, busying
themselves with questions of policy in which even their own fathers never had
any power of thought.
The ill-guided acquaintance of a large number of persons with questions of
state creates utopian dreamers and bad subjects, as you can see for yourselves
from the example of the universal education in this direction of the goyim.
We must introduce into their education all those principles which have so
brilliantly broken up their order. But when we are in power we shall remove
every kind of disturbing subject from the course of education and shall make out
of the youth obedient children of authority, loving him who rules as the support
and hope of peace and quiet.
Classicism, as also any form of study of ancient history, in which there are
more bad than good examples, we shall replace with the study of the program of
the future. We shall erase from the memory of men all facts of previous
centuries which are undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the
errors of the government of the goyim. The study of practical life, of the
obligations of order, of the relations of people one to another, of avoiding bad
and selfish examples, which spread the infection of evil, and similar questions
of an educational nature, will stand in the forefront of the teaching program,
which will be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling or state of life, in
no wise generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the question is specially
important.
Each state of life must be trained within strict limits corresponding to its
destination and work in life. The occasional genius has always managed and
always will manage to slip through into other states of life, but it is the most
perfect folly for the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into
ranks foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those who
belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in what all
this has ended for the goyim who allowed this crying absurdity.
In order that he who rules may be seated firmly in the hearts and minds of his
subjects it is necessary for the time of his activity to instruct the whole
nation in the schools and on the market places about his meaning and his acts
and all his beneficent initiatives.
We shall abolish every kind of freedom of instruction. Learners of all ages will
have the right to assemble together with their parents in the educational
establishments as it were in a club: during these assemblies, on holidays,
teachers will read what will pass as free lectures on questions of human
relations, of the laws of examples, of the limitations which are born of
unconscious relations, and finally, of the philosophy of new theories not yet
declared to the world. These theories will be raised by us to the stage of a
dogma of faith as a transitional stage towards our faith. On the completion of
this exposition of our program of action in the present and the future I will
read you the principles of these theories.
In a word, knowing by the experience of many centuries that people live and
are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed by people only by the aid of
education provided with equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by
varying methods, we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last
scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past been directing
towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The system of bridling thought is
already at work in the so-called system of teaching by object lessons, the
purpose of which is to turn the goyim into unthinking submissive brutes waiting
for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea of them
.... In France, one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already made public a new
program of teaching by object lessons.
The practice of advocacy produces men cold, cruel,
persistent, unprincipled, who in all cases take up an impersonal, purely legal
standpoint. Their inveterate habit is to refer everything to the defensive value
of its properties and not to the public welfare of its results. They do
not usually decline to undertake any defense whatever, they strive for an
acquittal at all costs, caviling over every petty crux of jurisprudence and
thereby they demoralize justice. For this reason we shall set this profession
into narrow frames which will keep it inside this sphere of executive public
service. Advocates, equally with judges, will be deprived of the right to
communicate with litigants; they will receive business only from the court and
will study it by notes of report and documents, defending their clients after
they have been interrogated in court on facts that have appeared. They will
receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the defence. This will
render them mere reporters on law-business in the interests of justice and as
counterpoise to the proctor who will be the reporter in the interests of
prosecution; this will shorten business before the courts. In this way will be
established a practice of honest unprejudiced defense conducted not from
personal interest but by conviction. This will also, by the way, remove the
present practice of corrupt bargaining between advocates to agree only to let
that side win which pays most .....
We have long past taken care to discredit the priesthood of the goyim, and
thereby to ruin their mission on earth which in these days might still be a
great hindrance to us. Day by day its influence on the peoples of the world is
falling lower. Freedom of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now
only years divide us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that Christian
religion. As to other religions, we shall have still less difficulty in
dealing with them, but it would be premature to speak of this now. We shall set
clericalism and clericals into such narrow frames as to make their influence
move in retrogressive proportion to its former progress.
When the time comes finally to destroy the papal court the finger of an
invisible hand will point the nations towards this court. When, however, the
nations fling themselves upon it, we shall come forward in the guise of its
defenders as if to save excessive bloodshed. By this diversion we shall
penetrate to its very bowels and be sure we shall never come out again until we
have gnawed through the entire strength of this place.
The King of the Jews will be the real Pope of the Universe, the patriarch of an
international Church..
But, in the meantime, while we are re-educating youth in new traditional
religions and afterwards in ours, we shall not overtly lay a finger on existing
churches, but we shall fight against them by criticism calculated to produce
schism ....
In general, then, our contemporary press will continue to criticize State
affairs, religions, incapacities of the goyim, always using the most
unprincipled expressions in order by every means to lower their prestige in the
manner which can only be practiced by the genius of our gifted tribe ....
Our kingdom will be an apologia of the divinity Vishnu, in whom is found its
personification - in our hundred hands will be, one in each, the springs of the
machinery of social life. We shall see everything without the aid of official
police which, in that scope of their rights which we elaborated for the use of
the goyim, hinders governments from seeing. In our programme one-third of our
subjects will keep the rest under observation from a sense of duty, on the
principle of volunteer service to the State. It will then be no disgrace to be a
spy and informer, but a merit: unfounded denunciations, however, will be cruelly
punished that there may be no development of abuses of this right.
Our agents will be taken from the higher as well as the lower ranks of society,
from among the administrative class who spend their time in amusements, editors,
printers and publishers, booksellers, clerks, and salesmen, workmen, coachmen,
lackeys, et cetera. This body, having no rights and not being empowered to take
any action on their own account, and consequently a police without any power,
will only witness and report. Verification of their reports and arrests
will depend upon a responsible group who will control police affairs, while the
actual act of arrest will be performed by the gendarmerie and the municipal
police. Any persons not denouncing anything seen or heard concerning questions
of state will also be charged with and made responsible for concealment, if it
be proved that he is guilty of this crime.
Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk to denounce to
the kabal apostates of their own family or members who have been noticed doing
anything in opposition to the kabal, so in our kingdom over all the world it
will be obligatory for all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the
State in this direction.
Such an organization will extirpate abuses of authority, of force, of bribery,
everything in fact which we by our counsels, by out theories of the superhuman
rights of man, have introduced into the customs of the goyim .... But how else
were we to procure that increase of causes predisposing to disorders in the
midst of their administration? .... Among the numbers of those methods one of
the most important is - agents for the restoration of order, so placed as to
have the opportunity in their disintegrating activity of developing and
displaying their evil inclinations - obstinate self-conceit, irresponsible
exercise of authority, and, first and foremost, venality.
When it becomes necessary for us to strengthen the
strict measures of secret defense (the most fatal poison for the prestige of
authority) we shall arrange a simulation of disorders or some manifestation of
discontents finding expression through the co- operation of good speakers. Round
these speakers will assemble all who are sympathetic to his utterances. This
will give us the pretext for domiciliary prerequisitions and surveillance on the
part of our servants from among the number of the goyim police ....As the
majority of conspirators act out of love for the game, for the sake of talking,
so, until they commit some overt act we shall not lay a finger on them but only
introduce into their midst observation elements .... It must be remembered
that the prestige of authority is lessened if it frequently discovers
conspiracies against itself: this implies a presumption of consciousness of
weakness, or, what is still worse, injustice. You are aware that we have
broken the prestige of the goy kings by frequent attempts upon their lives
through our agents, blind sheep of our flock, who are easily moved by a few
liberal phrases to crimes, provided only they be painted in political colors.
We have compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in advertising overt
measures of secret defence and thereby we shall bring authority to destruction.
Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most insignificant guard,
because we shall not admit so much as a thought that there could exist against
him any sedition with which he is not strong enough to contend or from which he
is compelled to hide.
If we should admit this thought, as the goyim have done and are doing, we
should 'ipso facto' be signing a death sentence, if not for our ruler, at any
rate for his dynasty, at no distant date.
According to strictly enforced outward appearances our ruler will employ his
power only for the advantage of the nation and in no wise for his own or
dynastic profits. Therefore, with the observance of this decorum, his authority
will be respected and guarded by the subjects themselves, it will receive an
apotheosis in the admission that with it is bound up the well-being of every
citizen of the State, for upon it will depend all order in the common life of
the pack ....
Overt defence of this kind argues weakness in the organization of his strength.
Our ruler will always be surrounded among the people by a mob of
apparently curious men and women, who will occupy the front ranks about him, to
all appearance by chance, and will restrain the ranks of the rest out of respect
as it will appear for good order. This will sow an example of restraint also in
others. If a petitioner appears among the people forcing his way through the
ranks and trying to hand in a petition, the first ranks must receive the
petition and before the eyes of the petitioner pass it to the ruler, so that all
may know that what is handed in reaches its destination, and that, consequently,
the ruler himself is subject to control. To exist, the aureole of power
requires that the people may be able to say "If the king knew
of this," or "the king will hear of it."
With the establishment of official secret defence the mystical prestige of
authority disappears: given a certain audacity, and everyone counts himself
master of it, the sedition-monger is conscious of his strength, and when
occasion serves watches for the moment to make an attempt upon authority ....
For the goyim we have been preaching something else, but by that very fact we
are enabled to see what measures of overt defense have brought them to ....
Criminals with us will be arrested at the first, more or less, well-grounded
suspicion: it cannot be allowed that out of fear of a possible mistake an
opportunity of escape should be given to persons suspected of a political
lapse or crime, for in these matters we shall be literally merciless. If it
is still possible, by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the
motive causes in simple crimes, there is no possibility of excuse for persons
occupying themselves with questions in which nobody except the government can
understand anything .... And it is not all governments that understand true
policy.
If we do not permit any independent dabbling in the
political we shall on the other hand encourage every kind of report or petition
with proposals for the government to examine all kinds of projects for the
amelioration of the condition of the people; this will reveal to us the defects
or else the fantasies of our subjects, to which we shall respond either by
accomplishing them or by wisely rebutting them to prove the short-sightedness of
one who judges wrongly.
Sedition-mongering is nothing more than the yapping of a lap-dog at an elephant.
For a well organized government, not from the point of view of the police but of
the public, the lap-dog yaps at the elephant entirely unconscious of its
strength and importance. It needs no more than to take a good example to show
the relative importance of both and the lap-dogs will cease to yap and will wag
their tails the moment they set eyes on an elephant.
In order to destroy the prestige of heroism for political crime we shall send it
for trial in the category of thieving, murder, and every kind of abominable and
filthy crime. Public opinion will then confuse in its conception this category
of crime with the disgrace attaching to every other and will brand it with the
same contempt.
We have done our best, and I hope we have succeeded, in preventing the goyim
from adopting this means of contending with sedition. It was for this reason
that through the Press and in speeches, indirectly - in cleverly compiled
school-books on history, we have advertised the martyrdom alleged to have been
accepted by sedition-mongers for the idea of the commonweal. This advertisement
has increased the contingent of liberals and has brought thousands of goyim into
the ranks of our livestock cattle.
Today we shall touch upon the financial program, which
I put off to the end of my report as being the most difficult, the crowning and
the decisive point of our plans. Before entering upon it I will remind you that
I have already spoken before by way of a hint when I said that the sum total of
our actions is settled by the question of figures.
When we come into our kingdom our autocratic government will avoid, from a
principle of self-preservation, stupidly burdening the masses of the people with
taxes, remembering that it plays the part of father and protector. But as
State organization is costly it is necessary nevertheless to obtain the funds
required for it. It will, therefore, elaborate with particular precaution the
question of equilibrium in this matter.
Our rule, in which the king will enjoy the legal fiction that everything in his
State belongs to him (which may easily be translated into fact), will have power
to resort to the lawful confiscation of all sums of every kind for the
regulation of their circulation in the State. From this it follows that taxation
will best be covered by a progressive tax on property. In this manner the dues
will be paid without straining or ruining anybody in the form of a percentage of
the amount of property. The rich must be aware that it is their duty to place a
part of their superfluities at the disposal of the State since the State
guarantees them security of possession of the rest of their property and the
right of honest gains, I say honest, for the control over property will do away
with robbery on a legal basis.
This social reform must come from above, for the time is ripe for it - it is
indispensable as a pledge of peace.
The tax upon the poor man is a seed of revolution and works to the detriment
of the State which in hunting after the trifling is missing the big. Quite
apart from this, a tax on capitalists diminishes the growth of wealth in private
hands in where we have in these days concentrated it as a counterpoise to the
government strength of the goyim - their State finances.
A tax increasing in a percentage ratio to capital will give much larger
revenue than the present individual or property tax, which is useful to us now
for the sole reason that it excites trouble and discontent among the goyim.
The force upon which our king will rest consists in equilibrium and the
guarantee of peace, for the sake of which things it is indispensable that the
capitalists should yield up a portion of their incomes in order to ensure the
workings of the machinery of the State. State needs must be paid by those who
will not feel the burden and have enough to take from.
Such a measure will destroy the hatred of the poor man for the rich, in whom he
will see a necessary financial support for the State, and the organizer of peace
and well-being since he will see that it is the rich man who is paying the
necessary means to attain these things.
In order that payers of the educated classes should not too much distress
themselves over the new payments they will have full accounts given them of the
destination of those payments, with the exception of such sums as will be
appropriated for the needs of the throne and the administrative institutions.
He who reigns will not have any properties of his own once all in the State
represents his patrimony, or else the one would be in contradiction to the
other; the fact of holding private means would destroy the right of property in
the common possessions of all.
Relatives of him who reigns, his heirs excepted, who will be maintained by the
resources of the State, must enter the ranks of servants of the State or must
work to obtain the right to property; the privilege of royal blood must not
serve for the spoiling the treasury.
Purchase, receipt of money or inheritance will be subject to the payment of a
stamp progressive tax. Any transfer of property, whether money or other, without
evidence of payment of this tax which will be strictly registered by names, will
render the former holder liable to pay interest on the tax from the moment of
transfer of these sums up to the discovery of his evasion of declaration of the
transfer. Transfer documents must be presented weekly at the local treasury
office with notifications of the name, surname and permanent place of residence
of the former and the new holder of the property. This transfer with register of
names must begin from a definite sum which exceeds the ordinary expenses of
buying and selling of necessaries, and these will be subject to payment only by
a stamp impost of a definite percentage of the unit.
Just estimate how many times such taxes as these will cover the revenue of the
goyim States.
The State exchequer will have to maintain a definite complement of reserve
sums, and all that is collected above that complement must be returned into
circulation. On these sums will be organized public works. The initiative in
works of this kind, proceeding from State sources, will bind the working class
firmly to the interests of the State and to those who reign. From these same
sums also a part will be set aside as rewards of inventiveness and
productiveness.
On no account should so much as a single unit above the definite and freely
estimated sums be retained in the State treasuries, for money exists to be
circulated and any kind of stagnation of money acts ruinously on the running of
the State machinery, for which it is the lubricant; stagnation of the
lubricant may stop the regular working of the mechanism.
The substitution of interest-bearing paper for a part of the token of exchange
has produced exactly this stagnation. The consequences of this circumstance are
already sufficiently noticeable.
A court of account will also be instituted by us, and in it the ruler will find
at any moment a full account of State income and expenditure, with the exception
of the current monthly account, not yet made up, and that of the preceding
month, which will not yet have been delivered.
The one and only person who will have no interest in robbing the State is its
owner, the ruler. This is why his personal control will remove the possibility
of leakages or extravagances.
The representative function of the ruler at receptions for the sake of
etiquette, which absorbs so much invaluable time, will be abolished in order
that the ruler may have time for control and consideration. His power will
not then be split up into fractional parts among time-serving favorites who
surround the throne for its pomp and splendor, and are interested only in their
own and not in the common interests of the State.
Economic crises have been produced by us for the goyim by no other means than
the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge capitals have stagnated,
withdrawing money from States which were constantly obliged to apply to those
same stagnant capitals for loans. These loans burdened the finances of the State
with the payment of interest and made them the bond slaves of these capitals
.... The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists out of the hands
of small masters has drained away all the juices of the peoples and with them
also of the States ....
The present issue of money in general does not correspond with the
requirements per head, and cannot therefore satisfy all the needs of the
workers. The issue of money ought to correspond with the growth of population
and thereby children also must absolutely be reckoned as consumers of currency
from the day of their birth. The revision of issue is a material question
for the whole world.
You are aware that the gold standard has been the ruin of the States which
adopted it, for it has not been able to satisfy the demands for money, the more
so that we have removed gold from circulation as far as possible.
With us the standard that must be introduced is the cost of working-man
power, whether it be reckoned in paper or in wood. We shall make the issue of
money in accordance with the normal requirements of each subject, adding to the
quantity with every birth and subtracting with every death.
The accounts will be managed by each department (the French administrative
division), each circle.
In order that there may be no delays in the paying out of money for State needs
the sums and terms of such payments will be fixed by decree of the ruler; this
will abolish the protection by a ministry of one institution to the detriment of
others.
The budgets of income and expenditure will be carried out side by side that they
may not be obscured by distance one to another.
The reforms projected by us in the financial institutions and principles of the
goyim will be clothed by us in such forms as will alarm nobody. We shall point
out the necessity of reforms in consequence of the disorderly darkness into
which the goyim by their irregularities have plunged the finances. The first
irregularity, as we shall point out, consists in their beginning with drawing up
a single budget which increases year after year owing to the following cause:
this budget is dragged out to half the year, then they demand a budget to put
things right, and this they expend in three months, after which they ask for a
supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation budget. But, as the
budget of the following year is drawn up in accordance with the sum of the total
addition, the annual departure from the normal reaches as much as 50 per cent,
in a year, and so the annual budget is trebled in ten years. Thanks to such
methods, allowed by the carelessness of the goy States, their treasuries are
empty. The period of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up remainders and
brought all the goy States to bankruptcy. .
You understand perfectly that economic arrangements of this kind, which have
been suggested to the goyim by us, cannot be carried on by us.
Every kind of loan proves infirmity in the State and a want of understanding
of the rights of the State. Loans hang like a sword of Damocles over the heads
of rulers, who, instead of taking from their subjects by a temporary tax, come
begging with outstretched palm to our bankers. Foreign loans are leeches which
there is no possibility of removing from the body of the State until they fall
off by themselves or the State flings them off. But the goy States do not tear
them off; they persist in putting more on to themselves so that they must
inevitably perish, drained by voluntary blood-letting.
What also indeed is, in substance, a loan, especially a foreign loan? A loan
is - an issue of government bills of exchange containing a percentage obligation
commensurate to the sum of the loan capital. If the loan bears a charge of 5 per
cent, then in twenty years the State vainly pays away in interest a sum equal to
the loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double sum, in sixty - treble,
and all the while the debt remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is obvious that with any form of taxation per head the
State is baling out the last coppers of the poor taxpayers in order to settle
accounts with wealthy foreigners, from whom it has borrowed money instead of
collecting these coppers for its own needs without the additional interest.
So long as loans were internal the goyim only shuffled their money from the
pockets of the poor to those of the rich, but when we bought up the necessary
person in order to transfer loans into the external sphere, all the wealth of
States flowed into our cash-boxes and all the goyim began to pay us the tribute
of subjects.
If the superficiality of goy kings on their thrones in regard to State affairs
and the venality of ministers or the want of understanding of financial matters
on the part of other ruling persons have made their countries debtors to our
treasuries to amounts quite impossible to pay, has not been accomplished
without, on our part, heavy expenditure of trouble and money.
Stagnation of money will not be allowed by us and therefore there will be no
State interest-bearing paper, except a one- per-cent series, so that there will
be no payment of interest to leeches that suck all the strength out of the
State. The right to issue interest-bearing paper will be given exclusively to
industrial companies who will find no difficulty in paying out of profits,
whereas the State does not make interest on borrowed money like these companies,
for the State borrows to spend and not to use in operations.
Industrial papers will be bought also by the government which from being as now
a payer of tribute by loan operations will be transformed into a lender of money
at a profit. This measure will stop the stagnation of money, parasitic profits,
and idleness, all of which were useful for us among the goyim so long as they
were independent but are not desirable under our rule.
How clear is the undeveloped power of thought of the purely brute brains of
the goyim, as expressed in the fact that they have been borrowing from us with
payment of interest without ever thinking that all the same these very moneys
plus an addition for payment of interest must be got by them from their own
State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have been simpler than
to take the money they wanted from their own people?
But it is a proof of the genius of our chosen mind that we have contrived to
present the matter of loans to them in such a light that they have even seen in
them an advantage for themselves.
Our accounts, which we shall present when the time comes in the light of
centuries of experience gained by experiments made by us on the goy States, will
be distinguished by clearness and definiteness and will show at a glance to all
men the advantage of our innovations. They will put an end to those abuses to
which we owe our mastery over the goyim, but which cannot be allowed in our
kingdom.
We shall so hedge about our system of accounting that neither the ruler nor the
most insignificant public servant will be in a position to divert even the
smallest sum from its destination without detection, or to direct it in another
direction except that which will be once fixed in a definite plan of action.
And without a definite plan it is impossible to rule. Marching along an
undetermined road and with undetermined resources brings heroes and demi-gods to
ruin.
The goy rulers, whom we once upon a time advised should be distracted from State
occupations by representative receptions, observances of etiquette, and
entertainments, were only screens for our rule. The accounts of favorite
courtiers who replaced them in the sphere of affairs were drawn up for them by
our agents, and every time gave satisfaction to short-sighted minds by promises
that in the future economies and improvements were foreseen .... Economies from
what? From new taxes? - were questions that might have been but were not asked
by those who read our accounts and projects.
You know to what they have been brought by this carelessness, at what a pitch of
financial disorder they have arrived, notwithstanding the astonishing industry
of their peoples.
To what I reported to you at the last meeting I shall
now add a detailed explanation of internal loans. Of foreign loans I shall say
nothing more, because they have fed us with national moneys of the goyim, but
for our State there will be no foreigners, that is, nothing external.
We have taken advantage of the venality of administrators and the slackness
of rulers to get our moneys twice, thrice and more times over, by lending to the
goy governments moneys which were not at all needed by the States. Could
anyone do the like in regard to us? .... Therefore, I shall only deal with the
details of internal loans.
States announce that such a loan is to be concluded and open subscriptions for
their own bills of exchange, that is, for their interest-bearing paper. That
they may be within the reach of all the price is determined at from a hundred to
a thousand; and a discount is made for the earliest subscribers. Next day, by
artificial means, the price of them goes up, the alleged reason being that
everyone is rushing to buy them. In a few days the treasury safes are, as they
say, overflowing, and there's more money than they can do with (why then take
it?). The subscription, it is alleged, covers many times over the issue total of
the loan; in this lies the whole stage effect - look you, they say, what
confidence is shown in the government's bills of exchange.
But when the comedy is played out there emerges the fact that a debit, and an
exceedingly burdensome debit has been created. For the payment of interest it
becomes necessary to have recourse to new loans, which do not swallow up but
only add to the capital debt. And, when this credit is exhausted it becomes
necessary by new taxes to cover, not the loan, but only the interest on it.
These taxes are a debit employed to cover a debit.
Later comes the time for conversions, but they diminish the payment of interest
without covering the debt, and besides they cannot be made without the consent
of the lenders; on announcing a conversion a proposal is made to return the
money to those who are not willing to convert their paper. If everybody
expressed his unwillingness and demanded his money back, the government would be
hoisted on their own petard and would be found insolvent and unable to pay the
proposed sums. By good luck the subjects of the goy governments, knowing nothing
about financial affairs, have always preferred losses on exchange and diminution
of interest to the risk of new investments of their moneys, and have thereby
many a time enabled these governments to throw off their shoulders a debit of
several millions.
Nowadays, with external loans, these tricks cannot be played by the goyim for
they know that we shall demand all our moneys back.
In this way an acknowledged bankruptcy will best prove to the various countries
the absence of any means between the interests of the peoples and of those who
rule them.
I beg you to concentrate your particular attention upon this point and upon the
following: nowadays all internal loans are consolidated by so-called flying
loans, that is, such as have terms of payment more or less near. These debts
consist of moneys paid into the savings banks and reserve funds. If left for
long at the disposition of a government these funds evaporate in the payment of
interest on foreign loans, and are placed by the deposit of equivalent amount of
rents.
And these last it is which patch up all the leaks in the State treasuries of the
goyim.
When we ascend the throne of the world all these financial and similar
shifts, as being not in accord with our interests, will be swept away so as not
to leave a trace, as also will be destroyed all money markets, since we shall
not allow the prestige of our power to be shaken by fluctuations of prices set
upon our values, which we shall announce by law at the price which represents
their full worth without any possibility of lowering or raising. (Raising
gives the pretext for lowering, which indeed was where we made a beginning in
relation to the values of the goyim.)
We shall replace the money markets by grandiose government credit institutions,
the object of which will be to fix the price of industrial values in accordance
with government views. These institutions will be in a position to fling upon
the market five hundred millions of industrial paper in one day, or to buy up
for the same amount. In this way all industrial undertakings will come into
dependence upon us. You may imagine for yourselves what immense power we shall
thereby secure for ourselves ....
In all that has so far been reported by me to you, I
have endeavored to depict with care the secret of what is coming, of what is
past, and what is going on now, rushing into the flood of the great events
coming already in the near future, the secret of our relations to the goyim and
of financial operations. On this subject there remains still a little for me to
add.
In our hands is the greatest power of our day - gold: in two days we can
procure from our storehouses any quantity we may please.
Surely there is no need to seek further proof that our rule is predestined by
God? Surely we shall not fail with such wealth to prove that all that evil which
for so many centuries we have had to commit has served at the end of ends the
cause of true well- being - the bringing of everything into order? Though it be
even by the exercise of some violence, yet all the same it will be established.
We shall contrive to prove that we are benefactors who have restored to the rent
and mangled earth the true good and also freedom of the person, and therewith we
shall enable it to be enjoyed in peace and quiet, with proper dignity of
relations, on the condition, of course, of strict observance of the laws
established by us. We shall make plain therewith that freedom does not
consist in dissipation and in the right of unbridled license any more than the
dignity and force of a man do not consist in the right for everyone to
promulgate destructive principles in the nature of freedom of conscience,
equality and a like. The freedom of the person in no wise consists in the
right to agitate oneself and others by abominable speeches before disorderly
mobs, for true freedom consists in the inviolability of the person who
honourably and strictly observes all the laws of life in common, and human
dignity is wrapped up in consciousness of the rights and also of the absence of
rights of each, and not wholly and solely in fantastic imaginings about the
subject of one's ego.
Our authority will be glorious because it will be all-powerful, it will rule
and guide, and not muddle along after leaders and orators shrieking themselves
hoarse with senseless words which they call great principles and which are
noting else, to speak honestly, but utopian .... Our authority will be the
crown of order, and in that is included the whole happiness of man. The aureole
of this authority will inspire a mystical bowing of the knee before it and a
reverent fear before it of all the peoples. True force makes no terms with
any right, not even with that of God: none dare come near to it so as to take so
much as a span away from it.
That the peoples may become accustomed to obedience
it is necessary to instil lessons of humility and therefore to reduce the
production of articles of luxury. By this we shall improve morals which have
been debased by emulation in the sphere of luxury. We shall re-establish small
master production which will mean laying a mine under the private capital of
manufactures. This is indispensable also for the reason that manufacturers on
the grand scale often move, though not always consciously, the thoughts of the
masses in directions against the government. A people of small masters knows
nothing of unemployment and this binds him closely with existing order, and
consequently with the firmness of authority. Unemployment is a most perilous
thing for a government. For us its part will have been played out the
moment authority is transferred into our hands. Drunkenness also will be
prohibited by law and punishable as a crime against the humanness of man who is
turned into a brute under the influence of alcohol.
Subjects, I repeat once more, give blind obedience only to the strong hand
which is absolutely independent of them, for in it they feel the sword of
defense and support against social scourges .... What do they want with an
angelic spirit in a king? What they must see in him is the personification of
force and power.
The supreme lord who will replace all existing rulers, dragging on their
existence among societies demoralized by us, societies that have denied even the
authority of God, from whose midst breaks out on all sides the fire of anarchy,
must first of all proceed to quench this all-devouring flame. Therefore he will
be obliged to kill off those existing societies, though he should drench them
with his own blood, that he may resurrect them again in the form of regularly
organized troops fighting consciously against every kind of infection that may
cover the body of the State with sores.
This Chosen One of God is chosen from above to demolish the senseless forces
moved by instinct and not reason, by brutishness and not humanness. These forces
now triumph in manifestations of robbery and every kind of violence under the
mask of principles of freedom and rights. They have overthrown all forms
of social order to erect on the ruins the throne of the King of the Jews; but
their part will be played out the moment he enters into his kingdom. Then it
will be necessary to sweep them away from his path, on which must be left no
knot, no splinter.
Then will it be possible for us to say to the peoples of the world: Give thanks
to God and bow the knee before him who bears on his front the seal of the
predestination of man, to which God himself has led his star that none other but
Him might free us from all the before-mentioned forces and evils.
I pass now to the method of confirming the dynastic
roots of King David to the last strata of the earth.
This confirmation will first and foremost be included in that in which to this
day has rested the force of conservatism by our learned elders of the conduct of
all the affairs of the world, in the directing of the education of thought of
all humanity.
Certain members of the seed of David will prepare the kings and their heirs,
selecting not by right of heritage but by eminent capacities, inducting them
into the most secret mysteries of the political, into schemes of government, but
providing always that none may come to know the secrets. The object of this
mode of action is that all may know that government cannot be entrusted to those
who have not been inducted into the secret places of its art ....
To these persons only will be taught the practical application of the aforenamed
plans by comparison of the experiences of many centuries, all the observations
on the politico-economic moves and social sciences - in a word, all the spirit
of laws which have been unshakably established by nature herself for the
regulation of the relations of humanity.
Direct heirs will often be set aside from ascending the throne if, in their time of
training, they exhibit frivolity, softness and other qualities that are the ruin
of authority, which render them incapable of governing and in themselves
dangerous for kingly office.
Only those who are unconditionally capable for firm, even cruel, direct rule
will receive the reins of power from our learned elders.
In case of falling sick with weakness of will or other form of incapacity, kings
must by law hand over the reins of rule to new and capable hands.
The king's plans of action for the current moment, and all the more so for the
future, will be unknown, even to those who are called his closest counselors.
Only the king and the three who stood sponsor for him will know what is coming.
In the person of the king who with unbending will is master of himself and of
humanity all will discern as it were fate with its mysterious ways. None will
know what the king wishes to attain by his dispositions, and therefore none will
dare to stand across an unknown path.
It is understood that the brain reservoir of the king must correspond in
capacity to the plan of government it has to contain. It is for this reason that
he will ascend the throne not otherwise than after examination of his mind by
the aforesaid learned elders.
That the people may know and love their king, it is indispensable for him to
converse in the market-places with his people. This ensures the necessary
clinching of the two forces which are now divided one from another by us by the
terror.
This terror was indispensable for us till the time comes for both these forces
separately to fall under our influence.
The king of the Jews must not be at the mercy of his passions, and especially
of sensuality: on no side of his character must he give brute instincts power
over his mind. Sensuality worse than all else disorganizes the capacities of the
mind and clearness of views, distracting the thoughts to the worst and most
brutal side of human activity. The prop of humanity in the person of the
supreme lord of all the world of the holy seed of David must sacrifice to his
people all personal inclinations.
Our supreme lord must be of an exemplary irreproachability.
Signed by the representatives of Zion, of the 33rd degree
The translator of the famous Protocols
was himself a victim of the Revolution in Russia. He had lived there for many
years and was married to a Russian lady. As Russian correspondent to the Morning
Post, his fearless description of the events in 1917 incurred the anger of
the Soviet. He was arrested and thrown into the Peter-Paul Prison. When he was
finally allowed to return to England after two years, his health had been
seriously affected. One of his first tasks as soon as he was able was this
translation of the Protocols, which necessitated many hours' work
at the British Museum. He later became the Morning Post special
correspondent in the suite of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales on his Empire tour.
But within a few days of his return from the tour, he died after a brief
illness.