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THE
MEDIA Educational
Programmes in Kenyan media. Ethical Relativity and
Journalism. History of Kenyan print media as
a struggle of forces > Traditional communication channels
and Kenyan society. Saddam Hussein's trial as
media performance.
Kenyan journalists at a press
freedom demonstration in Nairobi, August 2007. |
The history of print journalism in Kenya as a reflection of the struggle of forces pitting the status quo against those of nationalism and human rights.For sure, the print media's development in Kenya has been a struggle, mostly against governmental control and interference and, to a lesser extent, the social, economic and geographical realities of being a developing country. The first newspapers launched by such evangelists as the Church Missionary Society operated in a virgin environment that had no physical or human resource infrastructure: no telephones, no roads, no literacy, no distribution network. Government control at the time was practically non-existent for the simple fact that the British colonizers were yet to set up an administration. Later on, by the 1950s, with much better physical infrastructure and higher literacy rates, the papers battled with the government for influence over the hearts and minds of the indigenous Africans. The colonial authorities sought to tightly control the flow of information to Africans in order to prevent an uprising. After all, information is power and the less the African new about the outside world, the better for the colonialist. In the 21st century, the African is master of government and the country. The state of physical infrastructure, though far from ideal, enables radio and television broadcasts to be received all over the country. Newspapers can reach the major population centres by road within a few hours of publication. The Internet is in the country, providing massive amounts of news and information through computer networks. And more than three quarters of the population is literate. However, the print media still face obstacles from politicians and state officials who would rather that journalists speak only good things about them. The state would prefer that its own shortcomings be underplayed by journalists, who instead, should focus on propagating positive messages about the government. In spite of these obstacles, the print media has survived and has continued to adapt to the changing demands of both readers and the state. The newspapers largely enjoy the trust of the people and recent opinion polls suggest that the people trust journalists more than they trust the state. That in itself is an encouraging signal that the struggle for an independent media is worth the sacrifices it entails and should thus continue vigorously. One of the factors endearing the media, more so the print media, to the public is its perception as being pro-people, pro-justice, pro-fairness and pro-human rights. The media is largely seen as being anti-establishment, anti-tribalism, anti-corruption and anti-abuse of power by political personalities. However, the position of each individual media outlet does not always remain the same. For instance, the Finance magazine was anti-establishment in the 1990s but is now pro-establishment. The Daily Nation and Sunday Nation were anti-establishment papers until 2003 when they moderated their editorial coverage. The East African Standard and Daily Nation, Kenya's leading dailies, have alternated between being pro-government and anti-government depending on the personalities either in power or in the opposition. However, by and large, despite the editorial slants of individual newspapers, print journalism is largely perceived as being pro-people. Top It is the print media that exposed circumstances behind the various political assassinations in Kenya such as those of Tom Mboya in 1969, Josiah Mwangi (JM) Kariuki in 1975, Robert Ouko in 1990 as well as the ethnic clashes that rocked Kenya from the 1990s and persist to this day. Until 1990, the electronic media was owned by the government and therefore it was only the print media that could publish with relative independence. This explains why print media has come to be associated with criticism of state policies in existence during the various epochs of Kenyan history. It was the print media that exposed the Goldenberg mega-scandal as well as breaking the story on Anglo Leasing type of contracts. The print media has been key to civic education. Kenyan history, as far as the print media is concerned can be divided into several main parts: The colonial era, the single party independence era and the multiparty era. The colonial era lasted from the establishment of the British East Africa protectorate in the 1880's, through the declaration of the Kenya colony in 1920 ending with independence in 1963. The single party era lasted from independence until the legalization of multiparty politics in 1991. During this time, the Kenya African National Union (KANU) party dominated the political scene. The multiparty era exists to this day and is marked by a profusion of political parties, non-governmental organizations, lobby groups and interest groups all of which have contributed to greater individual liberties that Kenyans enjoy today (compared to the past). The beginning of the multiparty era also coincided with the period of economic liberalization in which the state divested itself from the economy, leaving industry in the hands of private investors. Economic liberalization has had the effect of empowering Kenyans by making available greater opportunities for personal realization in careers, business and education. During the colonial era, the first newspapers were those from missionary groups such as the Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the Catholics. Since Africans were still leading a traditional way of life, newspapers such as Taveta Chronicle, Leader of British East Africa & Uganda Mail, Observer, Nairobi News, East African Standard, Times of East Africa and Nairobi Star targetted the European settlers and administrators as well as Indian railway workers. There wasn't much of a political agenda other than to spread information on the challenges of the African hinterland and the people it contained. By the 1920s, there existed a class of Africans who had learnt the ways of the white man and wanted newspapers that espoused the African ideal of equality before the law. Africans had lost their land to white settlers, could not move freely, could not get a proper education and faced discrimination in employment. To cap it all, Africans were barred from participating in elections. Harry Thuku of the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) ran Tangazo as part of this agitation for change. The Asian community had Samachar, Indian Boys and the East African Chronicle also meant to disseminate the cause of racial equality. The East African Standard stood for the interests of European settlers who wanted to monopolize politics and the economy. The government itself founded Habari through the Native Affairs Department, to act as its voice in this cacophony of activism against colonialism. Mission groups joined the fray, using their publications to justify colonial policies as being for the common good. By this time, the missionaries had began publishing in local languages such as Kikuyu. Either way, the struggle for equality provided impetus for the Kenyan press. After World War 2, African demands shifted from equality to independence in the example of newly liberated countries in Europe and Asia. The end of the British Raj over India in 1947 further motivated African freedom fighters. At the same time, an increase in the number of European settlers in Kenya exacerbated existing tensions. A newspaper like the Muiguithania of Jomo Kenyatta and James Gichuru had provided a demonstration of how an indigenous newspaper could influence public opinion against colonialism. KANU had its Sauti ya Mwafrika, Paul Ngei had Uhuru wa Mwafrika, Bildad Kaggia, Afrika Mpya and James Gichuru launched African Leader. These newspapers served as the mouthpieces of the various political parties calling for independence. The settler interests launched Baraza, a Kiswahili publication from the East African Standard and which was aimed at Africans. Top In 1958, Taifa was launched by the East African Press Exchange. It espoused the ideals of multi-culturalism and inclusiveness within society. These ideals attracted the Aga Khan into buying the paper. In 1960, the Sunday Nation, Daily Nation and Taifa Leo were launched. Three years later, Kenya became an independent, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural but African country. Political intrigues did not end with independence as the African and Asian leaders turned against each other following the departure of colonialists. Political parties merged while others split. Disagreements at the upper levels of government caused a high turnover of cabinet ministers amidst numerous constitutional changes. There was even a small army mutiny in 1964. Intolerance grew as did tribalism, cronyism, favorism and corruption. All these culminated in the assassination of Pio Gama Pinto in 1964 and Tom Mboya, a potential president, in 1969. The farms left behind by departing white settlers were taken over by people in power at the expense of squatters for whom the farms were intended to benefit. Growing inequalities in wealth distribution were criticized by a government insider, JM Kariuki. He too was killed in 1975. Kungu Karumbah, an independence freedom fighter, disappeared and has never been located since. Between 1963 and the mid 1980s, there was little increase in the number of newspaper outlets. This could be attributed to the fact that those behind the pre-independence indigenous press were active in government and knowing the power of independent press, implemented legislative and other measures to curb their growth. The newspaper scene was dominated by the Nation and Standard. Both of them, at various times, took up the pen against practices regarded as corrupt and oppressive. Editors like George Githii became controversial figures in their time. The Weekly Review was launched by Hillary Ng'weno and was praised for insightful, balanced political analysis. Magazines such as Viva, True Love, Nairobi Times and Drum thrived and their content was mostly on entertainment and social issues. The advent of the Moi presidency in 1978 marked a change in relations between the state and the media. While Kenyatta's rule was personality based, Moi wanted to create a party-state along the lines of the Chinese and Soviet communist parties. KANU was re-invigorated and in 1982, a constitutional amendment made it the sole legal political party in Kenya. Moi wanted the media to become a mouthpiece of the party-state. The electronic media, owned by the government, was not as much a challenge as the print media. To counter negative press coverage, KANU bought the Nairobi Times in 1983, renamed it Kenya Times and turned it into Kenya's third daily newspaper. Viva ceased publishing in the mid 1980s after its editors rubbed the government the wrong way. By the late 1980s Moi’s political machinations provoked calls to a return to multiparty democracy from the growing ranks of politicians falling out of his favor and who were seeking alternative avenues for contesting political seats. Magazines such as Bedan Mbugua's Beyond and the Law Society of Kenya's Nairobi Law Monthly published articles critical of the government. At one time, the Nairobi Law Monthly published the party manifesto of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga's National Democratic Party (NDP) at a time when KANU was the only legally recognized party. Though the government banned that particular edition, photocopied issues circulated clandestinely all over the country. Society magazine of Pius Nyamora joined in the demands for greater democratic accountability. Society also ran interviews with Jaramogi, Kenneth Matiba and other individuals considered enemies of the state. The Nation and Standard started writing editorials that challenged the authorities though obviously not to the extent of the smaller publications. Cartoonists in the press produced works that were bold by the standards of the time, portraying state brutality. Meanwhile, the Kenya Times metamorphosed into an extremely pro-government outlet to the extent of publishing scandalous briefs on opposition leaders and which, at the time, were believed to have been leaked by security agents. The demands for multipartyism, coupled with pent-up frustration with Moi’s security apparatus, led to riots in Kenya’s major towns in July 1990. The riots were crushed; several dozen people lost their lives. International financiers and Western nations pressurized Moi to open up the political frontiers. Monetary assistance was scaled down – a devastating blow for a government that had 30% of its budget financed from foreign assistance. The international media went on a feeding frenzy and for the first time papers such as Time, Newsweek, Economist and Guardian described Moi as a typical African dictator. In December 1991, Moi asked Parliament to amend the constitution and legalize opposition parties for the first time in almost ten years. The opening up of democratic space saw an increase in exposes and investigative articles carried by major newspapers. The Goldenberg scandal was revealed as were stories on tribal clashes in the Rift Valley, Western and Nyanza provinces. The emergence of privately owned radio and television stations created competition that forced the daily newspapers to become more pro-active in news gathering. People Weekly emerged as an extremely popular pro-opposition paper that later grew into the People Daily - Kenya's fourth daily newspaper. The 1990s also saw the emergence of what is called "gutter press" which refers to small, irregularly published, poorly written news sheets that specialize in rumor mongering and scandal. News sheets like Kenya Confidential, Guardian, Weekly Citizen, Patriot and Independent were believed to be sponsored by politicians out to besmirch rivals with stories that mainstream media were afraid of touching. Therefore such newspapers were distinct from the pre-independence African press agitating for Independence as they did not stand for moral issues but were instead looking to promote widespread circulation by publishing juicy stories on prominent personalities. The mainstream press played a crucial role in civic education and helped enlighten Kenyans on individual and political rights. They didn't do this alone, however, and the emergence of civil society was a key part of the process. Non-governmental organizations, churches and women groups all received sponsorship from international institutions to conduct civic awareness through the media, further emboldening journalists. The press, in co-operation with civil society, greatly contributed to the victory of the opposition in the 2002 General Elections that brought President Mwai Kibaki into office. Top |
©2007
Godfrey M. Kimega
Crystal Images Kenya, Email: [email protected]
